St. Paul speaks about the church as the body of Christ, and he also speaks about the Eucharist as the body of Christ. How are these two affirmations related? Christian medieval authors gave consideration to the notion of the church as the “mystical body” of Christ and understood the church as the fruit or result of eucharistic communion in the “true body” of Christ. This chapter examines the thought of Thomas Aquinas on the church and its relation to the sacraments. It also shows how this conception has deeply informed the modern idea of the church as a sign and instrument of grace for all human beings, called to communion in the one Christ.

This chapter traces the consequences of the Laudians’ view of the church as the house of God for the internal arrangements and beautification of the church and its fabric. It draws out the full practical and theological significance of the Laudian ideal of the beauty of holiness. Their claims that their policies and practices were based in part on the Jewish temple and in part on the cathedrals and the Chapel Royal are outlined and assessed.

The Laudian view of the sacraments as the places where Christ’s presence in its church reached its apogee and of the altar as the site of the most intense divine presence in the church are expounded. The Laudians placed the reception of the sacrament at the centre of the collective worship of the church and of the life of faith, and thus made the altar the focal point of divine worship. The life of faith was defined in sacramental terms as a journey from font to altar, and stress placed on the need to give physical expression to these views and priorities through bowing towards the altar and worshipping towards the east. The Laudian altar policy, which placed railed-off communion tables altarwise at the east end of the church and reoriented worship towards them was the logical expression of such views. Through a case study of the church at East Knoyle, the communion room and altar are shown to have been that part of the church where the Laudians conceived the church triumphant and church militant came into closest contact in this life; something rendered explicit by their repeated insistence that angels attended the reception of the sacrament.

The chapter on sacraments in general and baptism and confirmation in particular, follows the formulation of the decree of the seventh session, from the list of heretical propositions idenifying their authors and meanings, to the conciliar discussions of them, to the draft decrees, and their final wording. It points to misunderstanidngs and polemical stances that ecumenical dialogue can help to bridge.

In the first decades of the sixteenth century, humanists such as Erasmus and the Reformers such as Luther and Calvin subjected to a fierce critique the doctrine and practices of sacramental confession. The sacrament of penance and the hearing of confessions were scheduled for debate in each of the three periods of the council: during the first period in the context of the discussions on justiification and indulgences and in the draft canons on purgatory that were not promulgated; in the second period where the traditional teaching and related practices were affirmed in the doctrinal decree on the most holy sacraments of penance and extreme unction approved at that time; and in the third period where the rushed closure of the council prevented a deeper investigation, resting with a merely jurisdictional treatment of the topic.

The printed difusion of the conciliar decrees had a dogmatic character that assured the circulation of the teaching of the Roman Church, approved by the council and promulated by the pontiff, on the basis of which were updated the penitential summas and manuals of the confessors inherited and revised in the last centuries of the Middle Ages and now revised again.

In the pastoral practice after Trent, the effort to establish a control over the observance of the ecclesiastical precept of an annual confession with its registration in an appropriate book failed. Instead, a new ecclesiastical furnishing, the confessional box, appeared that assured at thesame time the making public and the secrecy of the administration of the sacrament.

Dionysius endorses the Platonic position that love is a human response to beauty, and furthermore that the human quest for contemplation involves purification both of our understanding of beauty and of our experience of love. Dionysius’ understanding of both beauty and love goes beyond what we find in Plato; some of these changes belong to the development of the Platonic tradition, and especially to Plotinus, others to the Christian tradition. In the former case, beauty is understood less in terms of symmetry and more in terms of transparency to higher realities. This leads in Dionysius to a sense of beauty being a means of Theophany: God is manifest as beauty cascading through the different ontological levels of being. It is, however, crucial for Dionysius that this manifestation of beauty is seen in the way in which God’s love for all that exists is communicated through the ranks of being; this dimension he owes to his own Christian tradition. This enables Dionysius to integrate this understanding of being drawn to God through beauty with his understanding of the Church, both celestial and earthly, as essentially hierarchical, in which purification is experienced through participation in the rites of the Church.

This chapter outlines a "feudal transformation" in medieval Europe, in which originality and creativity became activities to be protected and encouraged through grants of legal privileges. A Venetian statute that many have seen as Europe's first patent law is here placed in the context of legal and religious reforms overseen by Carolingian bishops and rulers. The trajectory of these reforms is traced through the development of medieval universities and legal education, which are linked, in turn, to an idealizing social vision of law as a morally binding force, drawing people together into communities through legal promises and oaths. With the birth of the European legal profession, Roman and Biblical legal traditions are synthesized into the legal foundation for medieval city-states, guilds, and universities, together with the prebend system that provides material support for clerics of various kinds. In the medieval city-state of Venice, these legal traditions become the basis for a transformation in legal privileges, emphasizing the value of novelty and creativity for legal communities and providing early precursors for later patent and copyright law.

During the Middle Ages, the justification of humanity increasingly came to be linked with an explicitly sacramental economy of salvation, with a particular emphasis upon the sacramenta mortuorum (baptism and penance) as the divinely ordained means of establishing and restoring justification. This chapter considers this development, which forged an increasingly robust link between the practice of justification and the institution of the church. Although the possibility of extra-sacramental justification was recognised, the normative account of the initiation and restoration of justification was now firmly linked with the sacramental ministry of the church. This chapter explores the development of this move, and considers its implications. In closing, it turns to deal with some trends in Renaissance biblical scholarship which opened up new and important questions in relation to the theory and practice of justification, such as the revision of the accepted words of Christ on beginning his ministry from ‘Do penance, for the kingdom of God is at hand’ to ‘Repent, for the kingdom of God is at hand’.

The Augsburg Interim (“Declaration of His Roman Imperial Majesty on the Observance of Religion within the Holy Empire Until the Decision of the General Council”) was adopted at the 1548 Diet of Augsburg, marking the victory of Emperor Charles V (r. 1516–1556) in the Schmalkaldic War (1546–1547) by attempting to impose a religious reconciliation between followers of Martin Luther and the Catholic Church. Charles, also king of Spain, was beset by problems throughout his European possessions, stemming largely from the Reformation. The Interim was one effort to control these problems. The purpose of the document was to create a temporary compromise, to promote religious and political stability while waiting for a more definitive statement from the Council of Trent (which was in session at the time). The provisional nature did nothing to lessen Protestant fears of attempting to suppress dissent or to dampen concerns on the part of some Catholics that heresy was going unpunished; instead, it hardened divisions. Its failures contributed to a breakdown in Habsburg authority in central Europe.