This edited volume explores the nature of authoritarian policing, its transformation and resilience, and its rule of law implications. The discussion of the evolution of policing takes place in the context of the overall development of the police, their professionalization, institutional autonomy and neutrality, legality, and their credibility within the communities they manage and serve. What makes policing “democratic” is a contested concept and the definition varies depending on the level of abstraction and the particular focus of the inquiry. While regime type, which is itself a contested concept, the close nexus between the coercive power of the police and the state, it is never dispositive. Thus, the dichotomous categorization of authoritarian policing (AP) and democratic policing (DP), while useful as a starting point for comparative analysis, misses a large amount of nuance and often overlooks the plurality of either system, neglecting the fact that a police system can be authoritarian or democratic in multiple ways and in different aspects of policing. This volume rejects this simple binary view. It aims to untie and unpack the nexus between the police and the political system and to explore the plurality of both AP and DP.

Volume 2 of The Cambridge History of Global Migrations presents an authoritative overview of the various continuities and changes in migration and globalization from the 1800s to the present day. Despite revolutionary changes in communication technologies, the growing accessibility of long-distance travel, and globalization across major economies, the rise of nation-states empowered immigration regulation and bureaucratic capacities for enforcement that curtailed migration. One major theme worldwide across the post-1800 centuries was the differentiation between “skilled” and “unskilled” workers, often considered through a racialized lens; it emerged as the primary divide between greater rights of immigration and citizenship for the former, and confinement to temporary or unauthorized migrant status for the latter. Through thirty-one chapters, this volume further evaluates the long global history of migration; and it shows that despite the increased disciplinary systems, the primacy of migration remains and continues to shape political, economic, and social landscapes around the world.

The three cases in this section fall along a spectrum of varied relationships with the pre-war metropoles that governed them. Ukraine as of June 1941 was a fully integrated constituent republic of a territorially contiguous Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It was Nazi Germany that sought to colonize it. Yet Ukraine’s recent history complicated the picture significantly, as will be discussed below. And the initial German invasion was misread by certain Ukrainian nationalists as an opportunity for national liberation. The Philippines and the Dutch East Indies were both subject to governance by distant, overseas imperial metropoles, and their indigenous populations did not, by and large, have US or Dutch citizenship, respectively. However, in the case of the Philippines, an elected government functioned semi-autonomously in the capital Manila, and in the mid-1930s a firm deadline of 1946 had been agreed upon for the termination of American rule and the granting of formal political independence to the Philippines. The Dutch government had no such plans to relinquish control over the East Indies.

In Chapter 8, I look beyond the four parties thus far discussed to see what we can learn about other cases through the lens of their experience. First, I look at an out-of-sample Pakistan case, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI), a party that was beginning to succeed electorally during the years I was conducting research. I show how the PTI fits my definition of an organizationally weak party lacking a captive support base and engages in violence accordingly. I then provide more detailed explanations of party violence in two countries other than Pakistan – Nigeria and the Philippines – to establish it as a widespread phenomenon. Finally, I examine an organizationally strong, ethnic party, the Shiv Sena in India, and assess why and how it engages in violence in Mumbai. In each case, my party-centric variables of organizational structure and party support base are effective in explaining much of the variation that we see in these cases, helping demonstrate external validity beyond Pakistan.

This chapter reviews Catholic teachings regarding human dignity and how the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) – the official representative of the Catholic hierarchy in the Philippines – has interpreted it in several issue areas, including capital punishment, contraception, poverty, and electoral fraud. Catholic doctrine teaches that all people possess intrinsic dignity because they have been created in the image of God (the imago Dei), thereby imposing certain moral principles regarding the treatment of oneself and others, including solidarity, care for the poor, and the sanctity of human life. The Church’s views have taken on distinct local characteristics shaped by high levels of societal poverty, economic inequality, and corruption, as well as the Church’s historically strong political influence. Catholic bishops have harnessed the concept of human dignity to point out dehumanizing practices in Philippine society and call for greater respect for human life. In recent decades, though, the Church’s moral authority has been severely challenged, revealing the limits of its ability to promote Catholic teachings on human dignity.

To what extent, if any, is there a relationship between gender and judicial independence? This is an understudied area, particularly in the context of non-Western democracies. Although the number of women lawyers and judges has increased significantly, they remain a small proportion of the bench in constitutional courts that decide on constitutional and policy-setting cases. Preceded by a vibrant history of advocacy and activism, Filipino women judges have been a strong voice in articulating and advancing judicial independence through various episodes of the country’s turbulent journey through constitutional democracy. In both liberal and illiberal times, many women judges have stood their ground against political influence or pressure. Women judges have become a force in strengthening the administration of justice. This chapter suggests that the appointment of more women judges through a merit-based process should be part of broader strategy towards judicial independence.

This chapter examines the Bangsamoro peace process to end civil conflict on the island of Mindanao in the Philippines. With the Philippines boasting a long history of granting amnesties for human rights violations in the context of separatist and other conflicts, and the United Nations excluded from the negotiations, this appears to be a straightforward case in which an amnesty is used to address an intractable separatist conflict. Yet, as this chapter argues, the post-settlement period reveals that the fight against impunity for human rights violations in the Philippines is far from over. Rather, the Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Commission has taken a strong, but pragmatic anti-impunity stance, argued that impunity for human rights violations is not a means of achieving peace but a cause of conflict in Mindanao, and proposed measures to institutionalise the eradication of amnesties for human rights violations in the Philippines. Directly influenced by United Nations’ policies, it has sought not only to promote accountability and anti-amnesty norms but to refute the most commonly used justification for the use of amnesties in the Philippines and, indeed, region.

Strategic use of international courts by weaker states becomes a mechanism by which African states have taken advantage of the ICC. This instrumental use of norms of international justice shows that the argument about justice cascade may not be as convincing as previously thought. The supposedly widespread adoption of norms of individual criminal accountability and prosecutions in the wake of massive violation of human rights may actually be symptomatic of an instrumental adoption. Chapter 7 analyzes other ICC situations (DRC, CAR, Mali, Sudan, Burundi, and the Philippines) and South Africa’s and The Gambia’s attempts to withdraw from the Court to highlight the ways in which these cases also support the arguments developed in this book’s analytical framework.

The Philippines signed the Rome Statute on 28 December 2000, adopted legislation to incorporate international crimes into domestic law in 2009, ratified the Rome Statute in 2011, and withdrew in 2018 (effective in March 2019). Institutional developments, the passage of laws, and public statements by Philippine leaders in the past indicated support for (and implementation of) the norm of international criminal justice. However, the lack of enforcement of the Philippines’ international crimes legislation and events since President Rodrigo Duterte took office suggest that the government of the Philippines has certainly not accepted the norm of international criminal justice. Rather, debate continues. This chapter outlines the ongoing saga of international criminal justice in the Philippines. It then explores how government and civil society actors have used their experiences and initiative to debate the laws and institutions for investigating and prosecuting alleged international crimes in the Philippines. The chapter analyses the key features of these mechanisms, which continue to be discussed and developed. It shows how approaches to international criminal justice in the Philippines have involved dynamic interactions and adaptation.

Chapter 8 studies the record of macroeconomic and financial crises, high inflation episodes, currency collapses, political crises, and collapses of democracy in Latin America and the financial crises and recession episodes in East Asian economies in the period 1970–2015. The chapter focuses on countries – such as Argentina and Venezuela – with high incidence of growth, inflation, and political crises, and also examines the cases of Chile and Mexico. The chapter examines the effects of the East Asian crisis of 1997–98 on Korea, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Malaysia (the Asia-5 countries) and compares its impact on China, Vietnam, Singapore, and Hong Kong. The chapter offers a discussion on a wide variety of crisis and stabilization occurrences in a comparative perspective, highlighting economic and political economy factors.

The establishment of the Malayan “national” party and the emergence of the discourse of a Malayan nation through a translation slippage of the word minzu (nation, nationality, people) coincided with a growing need for a Malayan identity among the Chinese in Malaya. Alongside the emerging sense of a local Malayan Chinese identity among intellectuals and a growing anxiety among Chinese about the Chinese identity of their children, these trends led to the effective dual Malayan and Chinese identity of MCP members. For the MCP, the unintended consequence of the Comintern’s activity was the discursive foundation of the Malayan nation through the establishment of a national party and the promotion of the Malayan revolution led by the MCP, which consisted of Chinese immigrants along with a small number of Malays. In the same time period, concerns about political rights in other European and American colonies in Southeast Asia shaped Chinese political participation in indigenous nationalist projects and their identities vis-à-vis local populations, such as in the Philippines. Malay concepts of national belonging in Southeast Asian colonies did not accommodate an immigrant population, unlike the Comintern idea of an internationalist nation.

Chinese immigrant communists who were members of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) invented the national discourse of a multiethnic Malayan nation in 1930 through the medium of a semantic slippage of the Chinese word minzu (nation, nationality, ethnic group). The MCP, which mixed elements of a traditional Chinese association and a Bolshevik party, was a product of the ideological and organizational hybridization common to anti-imperialist organizations in Southeast Asia in the interwar global moment. The Malayan nationalism of the MCP built on the official nationalism of the British government and was shaped by Comintern ideas concerning the internationalism of national communist parties and by the need for political inclusion of immigrants in the Malayan body politic. This idea of a Malayan nation wherein nationalism and internationalism did not contradict each other was a derivative discourse originating in colonialism, though it became central to the Malayan nation after independence. The heterogeneous origins of the Malayan national concept highlight the ambiguities of nationalism and help us understand why this concept is still under debate today.