The first part of this chapter distinguishes war-related displacement from other types of population movements, including displacement due to communal violence, state repression, development, and natural disasters. It then unpacks the “black box” of war-related displacement by distinguishing between “collateral” displacement, “opportunistic” displacement, and “strategic” displacement. It then disaggregates strategic displacement into three subtypes – cleansing, depopulation, and forced relocation – and shows that they vary in orientation, targeting, and intended duration. The second part of the chapter introduces a new dataset on population displacement strategies in 166 civil wars from 1945 to 2017. It describes the relative frequency of these strategies across conflicts and over time and how they vary by perpetrator and types of civil wars. The dataset serves both descriptive and explanatory purposes. It shows that strategic displacement has been much more common in civil wars than previously thought and reveals important patterns in how, where, and when these strategies have been employed, which can be leveraged to explain why they occur.

Certain patient populations requiring sedation for procedures present the clinician with challenging decisions regarding their care and management. Some underlying medical disease states, airway abnormalities, or extremes of age require cautious pre-procedural assessment and planning when sedation is required to minimize the incidence of morbidity or mortality. It should be noted that some of these higher-risk patients should only be sedated by trained anesthesia providers. The following commonly encountered conditions are considered high risk and are associated with a higher rate of complications: old age, obesity, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, coronary artery disease, and chronic renal failure. This chapter discusses important features of these higher-risk patients and practice management when sedation is required. In all cases, appropriate monitoring, prudent selection and dosing of sedative agents, and careful assessment are important to ensure the best outcome for these higher-risk patients.

The Legal Design Lab is an interdisciplinary team based at Stanford Law School and d.school, which does exploratory design work and empirical research to reimagine how the legal system could work. They seek to build a new generation of legal products and services. This team uses human-centered design and agile development methodology to design new solutions for legal services. This chapter explores the value of interdisciplinary pedagogies in legal education and methods that are taught, with a focus on how design students can grow their ideas and innovation by engaging with legal actors and institutions.

This chapter analyses the ways in which the government sought to respond to the mounting administrative and political pressures on the treason trials in 1946 and 1947 and how the courts adjudicated on a wide range of offences, gradually producing a vast corpus of verdicts against the backdrop of a rapidly changing political climate. By this stage, the legal apparatus was struggling with the workload and the trials were being subjected to increasing social and political scrutiny, with many groups now cautioning that the trials were too harsh. These pressures, coupled with the need for legal consistency, produced an enormous dilemma for the authorities in charge. The complex balancing act between legal consistency and political and societal change, this chapter argues, reflected how the initial consensus around the trials was beginning to collapse.

Chapter 6 inquires into the legality and purposes of belligerent reprisals in non-international armed conflict. At the outset, it delves into the travaux préparatoires of Additional Protocol II to the 1949 Geneva Conventions to overcome the paucity of black-letter provisions on belligerent reprisals in this type of conflicts and identify relevant practice indicating which reprisals are prohibited (and which are permissible). Then, it looks into the work of several fact-finding commissions, mandated investigations and expert bodies addressing situations of non-international armed conflict (including those in Myanmar, South Sudan, Yemen and Syria) to gauge their formalization of the mechanism. The re-instatement of reciprocity in the functioning of belligerent reprisals emerges clearly from the purpose of evening out the legal and substantive imbalance brought about by enemy breaches. This analysis results in a novel understanding of belligerent reprisals as a tool concerned with the overall equilibrium in the legal relationship between parties to the conflict and aimed at remedying their inequality of status.

In this book, I have explored a distressing situation: the poor record of the UK in providing nursery places, the poor record of supporting mothers (and fathers) at work, and the poor record of providing quality experiences for the young children who do spend time in nurseries. This last chapter puts forward some suggestions for changing the situation.

Part of the explanation for these circumstances concerning nurseries is that we live in a society with growing and shattering inequalities. We live with broken, barely functioning services, with weak and ineffective regulatory bodies: from health, care and education to water, transport and energy, from the postal services to the penal services. Many of these services are now run by piratical global companies who prioritize and normalize relentless profit seeking, especially in low-wage industries, and hide from scrutiny in complex offshore accounting. We have devastating, shameful levels of child poverty for a rich society. We have a highly centralized government that has undermined local authority autonomy and starved local authorities of the money that they need to sustain local services. We live in a grossly nature-depleted environment, and, in urban areas particularly, we breathe polluted air. We persecute refugees and demonize foreigners. And because it is so difficult to do anything about these wider issues, we think small, and carve out our own small survival niches and strategies. Of course, there are many redeeming features to being in the UK, but, unless you are well-to-do, and even if you are, it is no longer a pleasant country. It does not need to be like this. There are times when the government has had more of a commitment to equality and providing decent basic services that support children and family life and has had a vision of a better and more responsible – and responsive – society.

Any arguments for better childcare unfortunately take place in this context. Local authority services do not, as in most countries that have good provision, provide the backbone of nursery places. Instead, there is a privatized, atomized, childcare ‘industry’ that originally consisted of small well-meaning entrepreneurs, struggling to compete, but that is gradually being swallowed up by relentless private equity companies, who maximize profits at the expense of staff and parents.

This chapter explores the definition of the notion of ‘family’ from an EU law perspective. The chapter first acknowledges the variable geometry of the family, and the absence of a uniform category of ‘family’ in EU legal norms. The chapter then shows that, despite the fragmentation of sources and the modulation of family circles, the way in which the EU characterises a person as a ‘family member’ obeys a form of logic and expresses a certain rationality. Borrowing from the work of Morgan and his notion of ‘doing family’, the chapter demonstrates that in addition to the de jure family members, other persons are counted as family members on the basis of them ‘behaving’ like family members. Barbou des Places concludes that ‘family members’ is a defined category of EU law: it designates the groups of people who are assumed to perform – or asked to prove that they do perform – different functions like education, care, protection and socialisation. It is subsequently emphasised that these roles are central because they contribute to a broader ambition, namely, participating in the cohesion of the whole of European society.

The Introduction explains the relevance of a theoretical inquiry into the purpose and function of belligerent reprisals. It highlights several examples in recent practice where the vocabulary of belligerent reprisals has been harnessed by parties to an armed conflict, pointing to the continued relevance of the institution in contemporary warfare. At the same time, it outlines persisting difficulties in the terminology, regulation and governance of reprisals, and shows that they all derive from the failure by international legal theory to give a proper legal vest to the purpose and function of the mechanism. It points to fundamental fallacies both in how the question has been approached, and in how it has been answered. It proposes an alternative to existing accounts and outlines how it will be investigated in the book.

The office or outpatient setting as a site for procedures is, metaphorically, a small lifeboat (not a pirate ship!) on the high seas away from port and the mothership, far from immediate aid. Whether the site is a detached procedural area on the campus of a large medical center, or a procedure room in a physician’s office, the metaphor is appropriate. The lifeboat and her crew must be capable and equipped to handle emergencies without immediate help from the outside. At a medical center, even a detached outpatient procedural area may have access to a rapid response team with rescue capabilities. However, such advanced emergency support teams will not be as close as they would be if the procedure were taking place in the main hospital. Help may be even more distant when working at a freestanding outpatient surgical suite or a physician’s office, when the municipal emergency response system (911) must be activated. Therefore, the crew of the lifeboat must be prepared to perform the primary resuscitation as they are the first responders.

A 33-year-old-woman who was diagnosed with chronic fatigue syndrome several years ago noticed a ‘heavy feeling’ and progressive weakness of the upper legs over a period of four months. Climbing stairs became very difficult, and eventually she could no longer walk independently. She did not complain about weakness in her arms. There were no sensory complaints. During the past months, her voice had changed. Especially if she was tired, she would speak ‘like a drunk’. There were no complaints about double vision, drooping eyelids, or swallowing. There were no clear symptoms of autonomic dysfunction. She did not drink alcohol but had smoked at least a pack of cigarettes per day for over 10 years.

Chapter 5 analyzes the evolving security structures in East Asia since the end of World War II. What counts as security for the countries in the region and beyond, and the policy choices made accordingly, have made East Asian security the way it is today. Evolution shapes every component of international security, specifically the nation, the nature of politics, and epistemology. Conventional security theories such as the security dilemma and alliance apply to East Asia partly because Western practice and theory have become parts of East Asian practice and theoretical thinking. At the same time, East Asia had a much longer history, and was not a blank canvas for outside influence. The mixture of the old and new explains why East Asian security concepts and practices seem partly familiar and partly strange, which is characteristic of East Asian international relations.

A 49-year-old man, who had always been very active, noted backache and pain in his neck starting four years ago. During this period, it became more difficult to rise from a chair and from his bed, to climb the stairs, or to carry heavy objects. Walking became a bit more difficult over time. He still went to the gym, but noticed that flexing his knees against resistance became more difficult. He slept well, could easily lie flat during the night, and did not experience myalgia, and there were no sensory disturbances. There were no symptoms of respiratory insufficiency. Family history was unremarkable.

The Conclusion draws on the findings of the book to analyse the main implications of a reciprocity-based understanding of belligerent reprisals. First, it distinguishes this formalization of belligerent reprisals from earlier theories stressing the law-making function of the measure. Then, it accounts for the continued relevance of belligerent reprisals even at a time when mechanisms monitoring and enforcing compliance with the laws of armed conflict gain momentum. Finally, it explains how a reciprocity-based interpretation of belligerent reprisals would affect follow-up reform of the mechanism – be it in the sense of fine-tuning its regulation, or in the sense of disposing of it altogether.