Educational outcomes for Aboriginal students in British Columbia, and Canada in general, are a cause for considerable concern. High dropout rates, low participation, completion and success rates at educational institutions have challenged educators for decades. Solutions have included lowering admission requirements for Aboriginal candidates and establishing alternative programmes that improve attendance and remedy learning problems. However, most of these policies have not offered a lasting solution to challenges facing Aboriginal students. This study presents findings from interviews conducted with 20 Aboriginal undergraduate students, seven professors, and five non-academic staff at four universities in British Columbia, namely: Malaspina University College, University of Victoria, University of British Columbia, and Simon Fraser University. It presents their definitions of student success and how this could be improved. Four policy options are proposed. These are then tested against six criteria to determine the potential consequences of their implementation. Recommendations are made to British Columbia’s universities based on the multicriteria analysis.

Colonialism has had significant bodily impacts on Indigenous peoples through medicine. Excluded from the German race, Sámi have been burdened by mainstream prejudices which perpetuate myths about Sámi having poor genetic material and, as a consequence, having an inferior culture and language. This offensive burden and subsequent humiliation has particular implications for the Sámi who come into contact with the health system as patients. Ethnic identity is connected with taboos, not only for patients, but also for Sámi and non-Sámi treaters. According to common knowledge Sáminess should not be a theme. In spite of intense assimilation, many Sámi understand illness as something caused of powers in nature or influenced by other people. The result can be a feeling of bodily chaos. Not understanding the meanings of the signs shown by the patients may bring health workers to interpret expressions of culture as signs of disease. Sámi patients can be diagnosed as suffering from delusions. Sometimes they are visited by traditional healers in faith to restore bodily cosmos. What’s more, the patient trying to hide her Sámi origin can be considered as dishonest. Sensing this staff may discharge her from hospital earlier and spoil her chances to get proper treatment. Health educators have specific responsibilities to make students aware of the diversity of patient’s culture and view of life. Within thought of body phenomenology the experiencing body is both subject and object. Messages are filtered by a cultural framework and the persons in interaction impact on each other. Face-to-face with the patients you can sense their vulnerability and decide to meet them as objects for your therapy activities or as individuals.

What were the influences on the Inuit of Northern Labrador preceding the creation of the self-governing territory of Nunatsiavut? What are the preterritorial influences of the Inuit on the territory’s five schools? To answer these questions and to share the success of one Indigenous people, the Nunatsiavut Inuit (the Inuit of Northern Labrador, Canada), this paper traces their survival, recovery, and development as they reclaim their right to self-determination (Smith, 1999). As part of this process, the paper reports such influences as: the bicultural and assimilationist forces (Moravian missionaries and the governments of Newfoundland), the rise and successful influence of the Labrador Inuit Association as a precursor to the Nunatsiavut Assembly, and the Inuit influence on schools in the region. This paper concludes with a discussion of the nature of northern isolation as a source of economic and cultural strength, which may have enabled the Nunatsiavut Inuit to resist complete assimilation, a factor in Nunatsiavut Inuit survival and increased potential for successful self-determination.

Excessive anxiety and worry can prevent young people from participating fully in school and life opportunities. Anxiety can involve fear of being apart from significant people or being left alone; avoidance of certain situations or activities for fear of embarrassment; worrying about normal life issues; repetitive thoughts and behaviours used as protection against something bad happening; or panic attacks and fears of recurring attacks and their effects. It has been shown that unusual behaviours such as obsessional activities, the need for reassurance, low self-esteem, poor concentration, fatigue, headaches, stomach aches and other reactions from excessive anxiety can hinder a child's academic success at school and affect their social relationships. Furthermore, anxiety is linked to depression that, in some cases, leads to suicide. This is significant for Indigenous youth as suicide rates in this group are significantly higher than the Australian national average.

Not only are there difficulties in the ethical and practical aspects of conducting research with Indigenous youth, mere are also difficulties in assessing mental heakh and anxiety, in particular, with mis group. Nevertheless, it is important to gain a sense of Indigenous understanding about what is constructed as mental health, “wellness” and excessive anxiety and how we come to a shared understanding of these concepts so that meaningful research into areas such as anxiety can be conducted.

This paper reports on the processes experienced in the development of a language programme in a high school in the western suburbs of Sydney in 2006 and represents the ideas and views of the two key participants. We consider the different perspectives held by the key participants on the project and how these need to be worked through in order to come to a place where the two (or more) systems of knowing and learning can be symbiotic rather than pushing against one another. The two systems being referred to are, in brief, a Western academic position, held by the linguist on the project, and an Indigenous intuitive position, held by the language tutor on the project. We report on the steps forward and backward in this process and how the participants felt and dealt with the emotional and intellectual demands incurred throughout the process. Much of this “two steps forward, one step back” process has resulted from the struggle for the non-Indigenous linguist to understand the Indigenous tutor’s knowledge, input and feelings. Likewise the tutor had to come to understand the linguist’s knowledge base and what she was trying to do. We hope that this paper will open up many issues for consideration and discussion such as collaborative research, teaching and learning and working as a partnership.

The Hmong are the second largest tribal group in Thailand. Hmong society is stratified by both age and gender. Women were considered inferior to men in Hmong traditional society. There was a strong bias against education for Hmong women in the past. Hmong women’s access to education has improved with recent developments in the socio-economy and modern educational system. Today there does not appear to be discrimination against girls in continuing their education beyond the compulsory level. However, the conventional ideas that “marrying early, bearing early, and having many children are blessings” are popular in the Hmong community. Many girls of school age leave school for marriage. These traditional conventions are an obstacle for females in continuing their formal education. Today, the Hmong’s traditional subsistence economy is undergoing change, and many Hmong women are actively involved in business. Adult and vocational education is also an important way for Hmong women to improve their educational level and gain new skills for making a living. This paper is based on anthropological field research carried out in northern Thailand from December 2003 to September 2004, supported by the Asian Scholarship Foundation.

Policy documents on Indigenous education include statements such as equitable access to education, participation and outcomes that can be broadly described as social justice goals. However, there has been little academic analysis of how these goals are to be achieved. This paper proposes that the indirect discrimination provisions in Australian anti-discrimination law can provide a framework in which the goals can be evaluated against the endemic effects of dominant power on mainstream education. The legal provisions are designed to assess whether a policy or practice might adversely affect certain groups in our society distinguished by, for example, their “race”. If a higher proportion of persons who do not have that particular attribute can comply with the policy or practice, and the demand is unreasonable in the circumstances, then this will constitute unlawful indirect discrimination. This paper analyses three social justice strategies which appear to be race-neutral and to apply equally to all students, Indigenous and non-Indigenous: Indigenous studies in the curriculum, using Standard English in the classroom, and instilling Australian values. The outcome suggests that these approaches may have an adverse impact on Indigenous students, and may even be undermining the social justice goals they set out to deliver.

The role of the non-Indigenous educator and researcher in education on Indigenous issues is becoming the subject of critical scrutiny. Indigenous academics are successfully turning the gaze on non-Indigenous peers and practices. This paper narrates some of the experiences of a non-Indigenous educator teaching an undergraduate elective Indigenous tourism course. The educator has attempted to respect the principles of an evolving Indigenist paradigm in the development, running and review of the course. In particular, the educator consulted with Indigenous academics and leaders in the development of the course and its curriculum; privileged Indigenous voices throughout the curriculum (in readings, audio-visuals, guest lectures and tutorial exercises); and facilitated student interaction with the local Indigenous community and land.

My work as a non-Indigenous educator in the new academic field of tourism studies is currently pivotally important because Indigenous academics are not yet asserting their claim to this field. In my attempts to adhere to an Indigenist paradigm I aim to create important opportunities to ensure appropriate discourse and encourage Indigenous academics into the field. In relation to appropriate discourse and learning, student feedback so far indicates important transformations in consciousness are occurring. However, the problematic of the non-Indigenous educator speaking for Indigenous peoples as “essentialised Others” remains a key concern. While the tensions between Indigenous and non-Indigenous in the conduct of Indigenous education are real and important, this work in the teaching of Indigenous tourism suggests that the resolution of tensions require alliances and shifts in power.

This paper seeks to identify and explore the differences of Indigenous approaches to historical practice. Why is history so important to Indigenous Australia? History is of crucial importance across the full spectrum of Indigenous understanding and knowledge. History belongs to all cultures and they have differing means of recording and recalling it. In essence, the paper explores the undercurrents of Australian history and the absence for so long of an Aboriginal place in that history, and the process over the past 40 years in correcting that imbalance. During the 1960s and 1970s the Aboriginal place in Australian history for so long erased, overlooked or ignored was suddenly a topic worthy of wider attention and importance. But despite all that has been published since, we have not realistically even touched the surface of what is buried within both the archives and oral memory. And quite clearly what has been recovered remains largely embedded within a white viewpoint of the past.

The Queensland Aboriginal and Islander Health Council (QAIHC) lead and govern the Centre for Clinical Research Excellence (CCRE), which has a focus on circulatory and associated conditions in urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. The CCRE is a partnership between QAIHC and Monash University, the Queensland University of Technology, the University of Queensland, James Cook University, the National Heart Foundation, and the University of Wollongong. The establishment of the CCRE under the community-controlled model of governance is unique and presents both opportunities and challenges for innovative partnerships between universities and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community organisations. This paper outlines the processes and strategies used to establish a multi-institutional research centre that is governed by the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-controlled health sector.

The recent hype and ascendancy in the discourse of community capacity-building has generated a lot of heated debate among development and policy experts on its applicability in various contexts. In particular, questions have been raised on the presuppositions inherent in the discourse and, more so, the tension that exists between theory and practice. This paper aims to contribute to the ongoing debate about the politics of capacity-building. While the paper begins by deconstructing the theoretical principles that underpin capacity-building, it seeks to show how the concept is covertly used to subjugate and create power imbalance between the “builders” (supposedly those with the power) and the “beneficiaries” (those assumed to be powerless), in the name of development and empowerment. Specifically, the paper seeks to respond to the following questions: What is “capacity”? Who needs capacity? Capacity to do what? Whose interest(s) is/are served when peoples’ capacities are built? The paper concludes by critically examining the tensions, contradictions, and ambivalences from the canvassed responses to the questions above and suggests alternatives ways of looking at capacity-building in Indigenous communities.

Indigenous people have been for a long time deprived of financial benefit from their knowledge. Campaigns around the stolen wages and the “Pay the Rent” campaign highlight this. As does the endemic poverty and economic disenfranchisement experienced by many Indigenous people and communities in Australia. Recent enterprises developed by Indigenous people, such as the sale of art works, can be seen as examples of people receiving remuneration for tangible products deriving from their knowledge. Also, tourism involves the sale of selected knowledge in context. Information and Communication Technology (ICT) is a rich and expanding area of enterprise development which supports the development of knowledge and its use in enterprise. While such work depends on the owner’s, or in this case Indigenous, control of the knowledge, it can open up new avenues for enterprise development. Knowledge about local land can be included in children’s computer games, knowledge about successful projects can be shared between communities through the immediacy and multimedia format afforded by online environments, and government reports and statistics can be accessed and analysed by Indigenous groups, given tools that suit a community’s abilities and needs. In particular the way in which ICT can be adapted to individual requirements make such tools ideal for communities which form such a varied and complex environment. The author believes it is important that Indigenous communities not only benefit from ICT by taking control of the technology for their purposes, but are also part of its creation and design to suit their aspirations. ICT is a highly flexible technology which can be tailored to many different enterprises. This paper presents some of the projects being developed at the University of New South Wales and suggests how these can be extended.