In this article, it is argued that Hittite did not only possess a series of long ejective stops, as has previously been proposed, but that it also knew a series of short ejective stops. In this way, the Hittite stop system can be analysed as consisting of two types of stops, plain and ejective ones, with both types showing a length opposition: plain short /t/ vs. plain long /tː/, and ejective short /t’/ vs. ejective long /t’ː/.

Assyriologists and Semitists have assumed that the attributive masculine plural morpheme -ūt found in Akkadian is a secondary development in analogy with the feminine plural -āt. In this paper I suggest that this morpheme should be reconstructed to Proto-Semitic. My arguments are based on some attributive pronouns in West Semitic and the existence of a distinction between attributive and predicative plural morphology in both branches of Semitic.

Sībawayhi, the founder of the Arabic grammatical tradition, was said to have died in Persia of sorrow after losing to Kufan rivals in a competition in Baghdad. The first part of this article demonstrates the artifice of Sībawayhi's biography, his death tradition in particular, and the stakes involved in its elaboration in early Islamic culture. The second part argues that the tradition of his death was based on the model of Homer's death, which can be shown to have circulated and been creatively adapted in contemporary Syriac historiography. The third part considers the consequences of Sībawayhi's Greek death for the old question of the influence of Greek on early Arabic grammar.

This paper deals with the contest of the “vital functions” for superiority in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad and the Chāndogya Upaniṣad, in the Aitareya Āraṇyaka and others. The paper concentrates on two particular approaches to deciding the superiority question, namely (i) singly leaving or entering (breath, sight, etc. leave one after another or enter one after another), and (ii) alternating withdrawal (breath leaves and returns, sight leaves and returns). The paper defends two claims. First, it can be shown that the commentators were aware of the generalizable nature of these two approaches. Second, these two approaches are closely related to the so-called Shapley value developed in cooperative game theory.

From the late-1200s to the mid-1400s, the river valleys of Central Tibet experienced both droughts and political upheavals. This combination of inclement weather and administrative dysfunction led to a series of famines. Although the famines were noted at the time, they were later forgotten in Tibetan narratives, and this is the first time that they are the subject of historical study. In this article we analyse the historical narratives of famine – found in biographies, histories and poems – and compare them with the region's paleoclimatic records, focusing particularly on changes in temperature and precipitation. We begin by discussing the famines’ climatic and political causes and their relationship to broader South and East Asian climatic- and famine-related events. We then outline the Tibetan religious, societal and government responses to these events. These responses include the community's initial reactions, and the multiple magical and managerial strategies they eventually developed to stave off famines.

This article examines Jiajing's (Zhu Houcong 朱厚熜, 1507–67) preface to the Scripture of the Three Offices (Sanguan jing 三官經, hereafter, Scripture). The first section discusses the provenance of Jiajing's preface, and shows that the preface is preserved in the Explanation (Sanguan jing zhujie 三官經註解), an unstudied edition of the Scripture produced in 1876. The second section offers a comparison between the Explanation and Ming editions of the Scripture. Relying on this comparison, the third section examines the role of Jiajing in the text's editorial history. Three aspects of the imperial preface support its authenticity: its description of Jiajing's lost imperial edition; its stance on local religious narratives; and its connection with Jiajing's early scholarly and political concerns. In examining the authenticity of Jiajing's preface, the article discusses the role of Daoist resources in shaping Ming imperial discourses on rulership.

Under the sway of the dominant “waste” theories on the nature of Dunhuang manuscripts, we tend to default to the conclusion that IOL Tib J 3 and 218 contain independent Chinese and Tibetan texts joined in the process of recycling discarded manuscripts. However, this paper demonstrates that the texts from these two manuscripts constitute coherent Vinaya compositions. The three layers of the handwriting of these two manuscripts were not written randomly, but exhibit clear-cut functions: while the larger Tibetan script, which was produced in a previous project, was used to write Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya commentaries, the smaller Tibetan script and the Chinese script were created as parts of the same bilingual project to provide different textual sources on the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya texts. The Chinese and the Tibetan text in the smaller script, proceeding from the high-level bilingualism of Dunhuang Buddhist communities, display a robust thematic affinity in many cases.