Ce travail examine la thèse de Malcah Yaeger-Dror sur l’évolution des voyelles moyennes du français voulant qu’elle soit régie par des principes généraux sur les changements en chaîne. En français, les voyelles toniques longues non hautes auraient tendance à se fermer vers les positions extrêmes [e:], [ø:] et [o:], puis, arrivées à cette étape, à renverser leur trajectoire et à s’ouvrir en direction de [a:] et de [a:]. Cette deuxième étape est retardée dans une classe de mots pour lesquels Yaeger-Dror pense que seules seraient pertinentes leurs connotations sociales, sans tenir compte de l’étymologie, de l’environnement phonétique et de la fréquence. Le présent article reprend la problématique générale de l’évolution des voyelles moyennes du français et propose une nouvelle analyse de la formation de voyelles longues et de leur évolution en français.

This article presents an autosegmental analysis of the development of pitch phonology in Swedish and Japanese, which mark both lexical accent and phrasing through movements in fundamental frequency (F0). Predictions that follow from the autosegmental model are tested against spontaneous production data from child Japanese. In support of the analysis that lexical pitch accent and phrasal intonation are acquired as separate sequences of tonal features, the falling and rising slopes of F0 contours are shown to develop independently. The late emergence of the phrase-initial rise is attributable to the allophonic surface realisation of the low boundary tone. Moreover, developments in contour shapes are characterised by demarcated emergence of F0 turning points that are aligned with specific segments, providing further support for the view that pitch phonology is acquired as strings of tonal units associated with segments and prosodic constituents.

For some adverbs, European and Brazilian Portuguese sharply differ, with consequences for the syntax of tense, quantification, word order, quantifier floating, wh-extraction, and clause structure. Evidence is provided for the architecture of the left, for remnant IP movement, and for the claim that “micro-” lexical differences between European and Brazilian Portuguese reduce to syntactic “macro-” variation: absence vs. presence of V-movement.

Les composés du créole haïtien fournissent à première vue une confirmation directe de l’hypothèse de relexification telle que définie par Lefebvre et Lumsden (1989). D’une part, ils partagent des propriétés phonétiques de la langue du superstrat, le français. On trouve done des composés dans ces deux langues constitués de séquences phonétiques pratiquement identiques:

This article argues that the Impersonal Contruction (IC) of French, which displays unaccusative syntax but allows unergative verbs, refutes the Unaccusative Hypothesis (UH) and the principles of lexically driven mapping. It is demonstrated that three types of argument intended to explain unaccusative mismatches are untenable while maintaining the UH. An account of the verbs appearing in the IC is proposed, based on the principles of free linking of arguments and postsyntactic compositional interpretation, taking into account meaning contributed by diverse sources, including lexical, syntactic, constructional, and morphological meaning, which must be compatible. It is argued that the shape of IC sentences requires that a state of affairs be predicated of a locative; various consequences for verb and argument selection and tense arise from this requirement. By removing certain semantico-syntactic functions from the lexicon, economy is achieved in both the lexicon and the syntactic component.

This article considers three children’s acquisition of tauto- and heterosyllabic consonant clusters in Spanish within the framework of Optimality Theory. Each child presents with a unique phonological system with respect to the cluster types. One child, BL4 (female, aged 2;8), reduces tautosyllabic clusters to the least sonorous singleton, but preserves both segments in production of heterosyllabic clusters. A second child, SD1 (female, aged 3;4), preserves both segments of tautosyllabic clusters, but reduces heterosyllabic clusters to the least sonorous singleton. Finally, a third child, SD2 (female, 3;9), reduces both types of clusters, maintaining the least sonorous segment; however, a different pattern is observed with the nasal + voiced stop clusters, which reduce to the most sonorous segment. The inter- and intra-child variation is accounted for by an appeal to general markedness and faithfulness constraints that have been motivated elsewhere in the literature in accounting for syllabic and segmental phenomena in acquisition and beyond.

Although the received wisdom is that English in Quebec, as a minority language, has undergone contact-induced language change, little scientific evidence has been brought to bear on this claim. We describe a project designed to assess the impact of a majority language on the structure of the minority language in a situation of long-term contact. The existence and directionality of change is assessed by comparing the behaviour of linguistic phenomena (1) over (apparent) time, (2) according to intensity of contact, and (3) against French as a non-contact benchmark and putative source. We detail the methods employed in selecting a sample and constituting a corpus, and characterize the speakers and aspects of their speech. Finally, we present an analysis of the sociolinguistic situation of the Quebec anglophone community, and offer an empirical measure of the impact of the French lexicon on Quebec English.

The goal of this article is to offer a formal account of region prepositions in French. We define region prepositions as prepositions that denote non-oriented locations and resist modification with measure phrases (e.g., au nez de in #dix metres au nez de l'avion ‘ten meters from (in front of) the tip of the airplane’). We show that region prepositions may involve items that include inflected markers or items involving “bare” markers (au bord de ‘at the edge of’ vs. à droite de ‘to the right of’). We analyze the relation between structure and semantic type to show that this distribution stems from the morpho-syntactic properties of their “internal location nouns” (e.g., nez, bord, droite, sommet). We offer a feature-driven analysis of these prepositions that hinges on a Lexical Syntax account and can capture all of the relevant data in a unified perspective. We conclude by discussing some theoretical consequences for accounts of spatial prepositions.

La présente contribution porte sur tourner et virer, deux verbes attributifs (p. ex. elle a viré/tourné folle) qui ne sont pas encore reconnus pleinement par la tradition grammaticale normative ni dans les travaux des linguistes. Elle vise à établir le profil distributionnel / collocationnel de ces deux verbes qui semblent opérer dans le même domaine sémantico-fonctionnel, afin de mettre à nu les subtiles divergences au niveau de leur profil sémantique. Celles-ci sont rattachées à la sémantique de base du verbe lexical, laissant entrevoir dans ces emplois grammaticalisés des effets dus à la « persistance lexicale » (lexical persistence). Afin d'objectiver au maximum les profils distributionnels des deux verbes (et partant leur profil sémantique), les outils statistiques offerts par la méthode collostructionnelle (Stefanowitsch et Gries 2003; Gries et Stefanowitsch 2004) sont mis à profit. En outre, la combinaison de l'approche collocationnelle et de l'analyse morphosyntaxique amène à distinguer l'emploi proprement attributif des deux verbes d'un emploi directionnel abstrait homonymique (l'entreprise a viré solaire), qui est encore proche de la construction prépositionnelle (virer à / tourner à).

We argue that an evaluation of morphosyntactic convergence between Picard and French must consider multiple variables, comparing rates of (co-)occurrence of Picard-like and French-like variants and linguistic constraints across the two varieties. Contemporary oral data from interviews with Picard–French bilinguals and French monolinguals were analyzed and contrasted with older Picard data. While future temporal reference in Picard and in French appear similar based on frequency, linguistic conditioning reveals differences across varieties and over time. Auxiliary selection displays clearer Picard–French distinctions, especially when considering the effect of linguistic factors. The intersection of variables shows that the differences between Picard and French are qualitative and not simply quantitative. In the context of the debate over the status of Northern France's obsolescent varieties, we provide empirical evidence for a mental grammar in Picard distinct from that of French, and show the relevance of comparative sociolinguistics for language planning.

Persian complex DPs exhibit structural peculiarities with respect to the placement of the object marker for specific DPs and the position of embedded CPs. This article discusses these peculiarities as well as the internal structure of Persian complex DPs and the distribution of clitic pronouns in this language. It is argued that a base generation approach accounts more adequately for Persian and other languages that exhibit the following properties: lack of a wh-relative pronoun, presence of an invariant relative complementizer, and alternation between a gap and a pronoun representing the relativized head. Regarding the postverbal position of the embedded CP, it is argued that extraposition and VP-remnant face theoretical and empirical problems, while V-raising and XP movement, as instances of scrambling triggered by focus in this language, provide an adequate explanation for Persian data.

Chomsky (1981, 1986b) formulates the Theta Criterion so that it prohibits non-argument NPs such as the expletives it and there from occurring in theta-marked positions. One consequence of this formulation is that raising-to-object analyses for (1) are disallowed because they would permit an expletive to occupy an object position, a position which is theta-marked by the verb:

(1)

1. John believes there to be a woman outside.

All treatments of so-called to-contraction in English (Lakoff (1970), Bresnan (1971), Lightfoot (1976)) attempt to deal with this phenomenon entirely in terms of contiguity. The purpose of this squib is to point out that the major constraint on this phenomenon is rather one of subject coreference, and furthermore that this coreference condition is identical to that for a universal rule which I have called ‘equi-subject clause union’ (Frantz 1976).

To illustrate, I will reconsider typical examples cited in discussions of this phenomenon, pointing out the relevance of coreference.

In the literature on Null Subject Languages (NSLs) since Rizzi (1982), the three properties that are commonly thought to be connected are (i) the richness of inflectional morphology, (ii) free subject inversion, and (iii) the COMP-trace effect. The connection between them is that if a language (e.g., Italian) has the option of having a null subject (NS) pronominal pro in subject position (i.e., SpecIP) as a result of having rich inflectional (i.e., verbal agreement) morphology, as represented in (1a), then the same element may appear in the same position in cases of subjects occurring postverbally as in (1b) and in cases of long-distance subject extraction where the postverbal trace is properly governed by the verb, as in (1c):

The question of whether differentially marked objects should be linked with Case licensing or some other mechanism in the grammar has given rise to numerous debates. Addressing contexts of differential object marking (DOM) with oblique morphology, this article shows that, while the Case licensing approach might be adequate for varieties of Spanish, oblique differential marking rather signals an independent licensing operation, beyond Case, in languages like Romanian, Gujarati or Mandarin Chinese. This additional mechanism, relevant at the syntax-semantics-pragmatics interface, tracks the role of grammaticalized animates or how the speaker relates to other entities in the discourse. Additionally, the data examined here indicate that objects can come in a variety of sizes and structures, with distinct licensing constraints, such that the divide Case licensed/unlicensed or Case licensing/(pseudo-)incorporation is not enough.

Previous evidence has suggested that acoustic similarity between first language (L1) and second language (L2) sounds is an accurate indicator of the speakers’ L2 classification patterns. This study investigates this assumption by examining how speakers of an under-researched language, namely Cypriot Greek, classify L2 English vowels in terms of their L1 categories. The experimental protocol relied on a perception and a production study. For the purpose of the production study, two linear discriminant analysis (LDA) models, one with both formants and duration (FD) and one with only formants (F) as input, were used to predict this classification; the models included data from both English and Cypriot Greek speakers. The perception study consisted of a classification task performed by adult Cypriot Greek advanced speakers of English who permanently resided in Cyprus. The results demonstrated that acoustic similarity was a relatively good predictor of speakers’ classification patterns as the majority of L2 vowels classified with the highest proportion were predicted with success by the LDA models. In addition, the F model was better than the FD model in predicting the full range of responses. This shows that duration features were less important than formant features for the prediction of L2 vowel classification.

Collins and Postal (2014) postulate that English NPIs represent two distinct structures: a unary NEG structure and a binary NEG structure. Some NPIs, such as any and ever expressions, can instantiate either of these two structures in different contexts. Others (such as one use of jackshit) have only unary NEG structures. The present article seeks to provide cross-linguistic support for this hypothesis by showing that the two series of NPIs in Serbian/Croatian (Progovac 1994) should be analyzed in terms of the two structure types postulated for English NPIs.

0.1 For some ten years now, it has been my claim that it was through linguistic writings of his time, and not through extra-linguistic publications, that Saussure’s views took shape. This is not to say that there was no influence on him from disciplines other than linguistics, but this kind of influence was due to what I have termed the “climate of opinion” of the period, and it remained largely at the surface of things, certain frequently reiterated claims of a strong impact of Durkheim’s sociology, Tarde’s as well as Walras’ political economy, etc. notwithstanding (cf. Rijlaarsdam 1978: 260-64; Bierbach 1978 passim). Saussure’s acquaintance with disciplines outside linguistics, I maintain, was at best second-hand and remained superficial. This is not only true of the psychologism underlying his theoretical argument, a psychologism found elsewhere in the linguistic literature (e.g., Paul 1880, 1909; Baudouin de Courtenay 1894), but also of his sociologism, his repeated statement that language was a “fait social”. In short, if we want to place Saussure’s theory of language-and of linguistics for that matter-in an epistemological context, we would do better by acquainting ourselves with the linguistic literature of his day rather than deducing from certain superficial similarities and terminological borrowings a direct influence of a field outside the study of language on Saussure’s linguistic reasoning. (We should remember that Saussure never wrote a book on general linguistics, but that he was trying, through comparisons, metaphors, and references to what was general knowledge of his day, to convey his largely novel ideas to twenty-year-old students.)

One of the principles of grammar introduced in Chomsky (1981) is the Empty Category Principle, which can be stated as follows:

• (i) [α e] must be properly governed.

Proper government, as defined by Chomsky, is of two types (see footnote 2). First, there is proper government by a lexical category of the [±N±V] type. In (2a), for example, the empty category (ei) is properly governed by the verb see, a lexical element of the [-N+V] type. Second, there is proper government by coindexation. In (2b), for example, the empty category in subject position (ei) is properly governed by the coindexed trace in COMP (ti).