Using dual-entitlement theory as the guide, we conducted a survey of economists from the National Bureau of Economic Research asking them a series of questions about the fairness of drug prices in the United States. Public opinion surveys have repeatedly shown that the public perceives drug prices to be unfair, but economists trained in laws of supply and demand may have different perceptions. Three hundred and ten senior economists responded to our survey. Forty-five percent agreed that drug prices were unfair when people, specifically low-income individuals, could not afford their prescription medications. Sixty-five percent oppose a dollar threshold, or upper limit, on drug prices. The economists recommend the most promising policy change would be to provide the government additional negotiating power and price controls would moderately impact investment in pharmaceutical research and development.

This article considers how the ‘accidental logics’ of political settlements for the English National Health Service (NHS) and the Medicare and Medicaid programmes in the United States have resulted in different institutional arrangements and different implicit social contracts for rationing, which we define to be the denial of health care that is beneficial but is deemed to be too costly. This article argues that rationing is designed into the English NHS and designed out of US Medicare; and compares rationing for the elderly in the United States and in England for acute care, care at the end of life, and chronic care.

Discussion about the relative role of public and private in health care has evolved substantially across Europe since the 1980s. The previous, broadly ideological debate about state ‘versus’ market has been superceded by pragmatic considerations on how best to combine state ‘and’ market to achieve specific health sector outcomes. The London School of Economics debate about expanded patient choice demonstrated the extent to which pragmatism has gained the upper hand.

Patient safety is a complex systems issue. In this study, we used a scoping review of peer-reviewed literature and a case study of provincial and territorial legislation in Canada to explore the influence of mandatory reporting legislation on patient safety outcomes in hospital settings. We drew from a conceptual model that examines the components of mandatory reporting legislation that must be in place as a part of a systems governance approach to patient safety and used this model to frame our results. Our results suggest that mandatory reporting legislation across Canada is generally designed to gather information about – rather than respond to and prevent – patient safety incidents. Overall, we found limited evidence of impact of mandatory reporting legislation on patient safety outcomes. Although legislation is one lever among many to improve patient safety outcomes, there are nonetheless several considerations for patient safety legislation to assist in broader system improvement efforts in Canada and elsewhere. Legislative frameworks may be enhanced by strengthening learning systems, accountability mechanisms and patient safety culture.

The British National Health Service (NHS) celebrates its 70th birthday on 5 July 2018. This paper examines this anniversary through the lens of previous anniversaries, exploring two strands of political debates and NHS documents. It draws on the basic ‘multiple streams model’ of Kingdon that argues that an issue reaches the agenda when the policy window opens to allow the coupling of three independent streams – policy, problem and politics. It is found that there appears to be some discontinuity in the problem stream; some periods of relative consensus and sharp political differences in the politics stream; and sharp variations over time in the policy stream. While it is clear that there have been both continuities and discontinuities in the problem, politics and policy streams over the past 70 years, they have rarely come together to result in a policy that has taken it off the agenda.

Although there has been substantial debate and research concerning the economic impact of neo-liberal practices, there is a paucity of research about the potential relation between neo-liberal economic practices and population health. We assessed the extent to which neo-liberal policies and practices are associated with population health at the national level. We collected data on 119 countries between 1980 and 2004. We measured neo-liberalism using the Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of the World (EFW) Index, which gives an overall score as well as a score for each of five different aspects of neo-liberal economic practices: (1) size of government, (2) legal structure and security of property rights, (3) access to sound money, (4) freedom to exchange with foreigners and (5) regulation of credit, labor and business. Our measure of population health was under-five mortality. We controlled for potential mediators (income distribution, social capital and openness of political institutions) and confounders (female literacy, total population, rural population, fertility, gross domestic product per capita and time period). In longitudinal multivariable analyses, we found that the EFW index did not have an effect on child mortality but that two of its components: improved security of property rights and access to sound money were associated with lower under-five mortality (p = 0.017 and p = 0.024, respectively). When stratifying the countries by level of income, less regulation of credit, labor and business was associated with lower under-five mortality in high-income countries (p = 0.001). None of the EFW components were significantly associated with under-five mortality in low-income countries. This analysis suggests that the concept of ‘neo-liberalism’ is not a monolithic entity in its relation to health and that some ‘neo-liberal’ policies are consistent with improved population health. Further work is needed to corroborate or refute these findings.

This paper examines the interaction between public and private insurance in the context of the US Medicare program, which serves those aged 65 and older as well as the disabled who meet specific eligibility requirements. Specifically, the paper examines the extent to which increasing enrollment in Medicare managed care (which provides more comprehensive coverage than basic Medicare) influences premiums in the privately purchased Medicare supplemental insurance market (called ‘Medigap’). We employ a fixed effects instrumental variables approach to analyze the association between premiums charged by two large Medigap insurers and Medicare HMO penetration rates, examining over 60 geographic areas during the period 1994–2000. It is hypothesized that greater Medicare HMO penetration will lead to adverse selection into the Medigap market, resulting in higher premiums. The findings suggest a moderate upward effect on premiums, with elasticities ranging from 0.09 to 0.25. Controlling for other factors, moving from a 12% to a 22% Medicare HMO penetration rate would raise average Medigap premiums from $1,314 to $1,615. We discuss the implications of these results with respect to the design of national health care systems that include both public and private insurers.

What health insurance should cover and pay for represents one of the most complex questions in national health policy. Israel shares with the US reliance on a regulated insurance market and we compare the approaches of the two countries regarding determining health benefits. Based on review and analysis of literature, laws and policy in the United States and Israel. The Israeli experience consists of selection of a starting point for defining coverage; calculating the expected cost of covered benefits; and creating a mechanism for updating covered benefits within a defined budget. In implementing the Affordable Care Act, the US rejected a comprehensive and detailed approach to essential health benefits. Instead, federal regulators established broadly worded minimum standards that can be supplemented through more stringent state laws and insurer discretion. Notwithstanding differences between the two systems, the elements of the Israeli approach to coverage, which has stood the test of time, may provide a basis for the United States as it renews its health reform debate and considers delegating decisions about coverage to the states. Israel can learn to emulate the more forceful regulation of supplemental and private insurance that characterizes health policy in the United States.

In a 2011 article published in this journal, Baker et al. set out to resolve a nasty dilemma for NICE by reconciling two approaches for determining whether adopting a new intervention would increase total health gains produced from available resources and hence increase system efficiency. In this response we show how the proposed reconciliation, as well as the two approaches on which it is based, fail to inform decision makers about the efficiency of a new intervention. We show how this arises from the misuse of incremental costs and effects of between-intervention comparisons as measures of changes in costs and effects associated with marginal adjustments to the scale of an intervention. Ironically, incremental data represent the choices faced by decision makers and we illustrate a method for determining unambiguously whether a new intervention represents an improvement in efficiency.

Since 2003, China has experimented in some of the country's counties with the private administration of the New Cooperative Medical Scheme (NCMS), a publicly subsidized health insurance scheme for rural populations. Our study compared the effectiveness and efficiency of private vs public administration in four counties in one of China's most affluent provinces in the initial stage of the NCMS's implementation. The study was undertaken in Ningbo city of Zhejiang province. Out of 10 counties in Ningbo, two counties with private administration for the NCMS (Beilun and Ninghai) were compared with two others counties with public administration (Zhenhai and Fenghua), using the following indicators: (1) proportion of enrollees who were compensated for inpatient care; (2) average reimbursement–expense ratio per episode of inpatient care; (3) overall administration cost; (4) enrollee satisfaction. Data from 2004 to 2006 were collected from the local health authorities, hospitals and the contracted insurance companies, supplemented by a randomized household questionnaire survey covering 176 households and 479 household members. In our sample counties, private administration of the NCMS neither reduced transaction costs, nor improved the benefits of enrollees. Enrollees covered by the publicly administered NCMS were more likely to be satisfied with the insurance scheme than those covered by the privately administered NCMS. Experience in the selected counties suggests that private administration of the NCMS did not deliver the hoped-for results. We conclude that caution needs to be exercised in extending private administration of the NCMS.

This stimulating set of articles provides intriguing information and comments about medical governance in four countries. The commentary argues that the typology of governance approaches is not as useful as one would want for understanding either the political prospects or policy effects of governance measures. The politics of governance measures is distinctly related to efforts to avoid blame, and the effects of measures are better understood in terms of state capacity and a term, ‘authority’, that advocates of ‘governance’ usually avoid. Close attention to the requisites of authority provides some insight into the patterns of adoption and consequences of measures. These patterns are highlighted by comparing the four cases reviewed to experience in the United States.

Pharmacy services are undoubtedly an important part of primary care. Pharmacists are entrepreneurs and simultaneously they are entrusted with a public mission in the health care sector. Pharmacies then reflect a contrast between a commercial/economic objective and public interest, which is to be identified with citizens’ universal right to health care services. This is the reason why in Italy, as in many other EU countries, pharmacies supply their services according to a prior authorisation granted by public authorities. In common with many EU countries, this authorisation is secured according to a demographic criterion. It is only by means of these licensed pharmacies that citizens can buy drugs under medical prescription. Accordingly, the health system is to be driven by public interest, which has yet to prove how competing interests may be regulated in serving health needs. In the light of EU law, the article advocates for an innovative legal and organisational tool whereby to organise the Italian pharmacy system in order to combine economic consideration and public benefit.

This paper tests the factorial structure of a questionnaire comprising seven health care rationing criteria (waiting time, ‘rule of rescue’, parenthood of minors, health maximization, youngest first, positive and negative version of social merit) and explores the adherence to them of 254 Portuguese health care professionals, when considered individually and when confronted with two-in-two combinations. Data were collected through a self-administered questionnaire where respondents faced hypothetical rationing dilemmas comprising one rationing criterion and dichotomous options pairs with two rationing criteria. Confirmatory factor analysis and multinomial logistic regressions were used to validate the structure of the questionnaire and the data. The findings suggest that: (i) the hepta-factorial structure of the questionnaire presented a good fit of the data; and (ii) support for rationing criterion depends on whether they are individually considered or confronted in dichotomous options pairs. When only one criterion distinguishes the patients, healthcare professionals support six criteria (by descending order): waiting time, rule of rescue, health maximization, penalization of patients’ risky behaviors, youngest first and being parent of a young child. When two criteria were confronted, immediate threat of life/health and large expected benefits were the most preferred. Conversely, the positive version of social merit was an unappreciated rationing criterion.

In England, Local Authorities (LAs) contribute to the care home fees of two-thirds of care home residents aged 65+ who pass a means test. LAs typically pay fees below those faced by residents excluded from state support. Most proposals for reform of the means test would increase the proportion of residents entitled to state support. If care homes receive the LA fee for more residents, they might increase fees for any remaining self-funders. Alternatively, the LA fee might have to rise. We use two linked simulation models to examine how alternative assumptions on post-reform fees affect projected public costs and financial gains to residents of three potential reforms to the means test. Raising the LA fee rate to maintain income per resident would increase the projected public cost of the reforms by between 22% and 72% in the base year. It would reduce the average gain to care home residents by between 8% and 12%. Raising post-reform fees for remaining self-funders or requiring pre-reform self-funders to meet the difference between the LA and self-funder fees, reduces the gains to residents by 28–37%. For one reform, residents in the highest income quintile would face losses if the self-funder fee rises.