The Social Policy Digest went online in 2002, and since then has developed into a major web-based resource on UK social policy issues. By the end of 2009 it contained over 25,000 entries, covering policy developments and research findings across the whole range of social policy fields.

A decade on from the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, this article examines the contributions of social scientists to the Inquiry on two key issues: the meaning of institutional racism and the police response to racial violence. These academic inputs are characterised as instrumental and reflexive forms of knowledge. While social science applied to social policy is most effective in instrumental mode, rather than reflexively, there are various factors – such as the interpretation of evidence, media debate and the role of prominent individuals – that are more significant in assessing its consequences. The impact of these factors mean that, although academic work on these issues has been influential, the outcome appears to be that institutional racism has run its course and been disowned or downgraded, while racial violence has become subsumed within the broader category of hate crime. It is argued that the relationship between academic knowledge and policy requires a better grasp of the complexities of applying social science, and that is what this article aims to make a contribution to.

Although health inequalities in England reflect underlying deprivation, there is considerable variation among deprived areas in the extent to which these inequalities are narrowing. Using survey data from 15 local authority areas in North West England, and Ragin's technique of Qualitative Comparative Analysis, contextual features and ways of working in these areas are shown to combine in systematic ways with recent trends in inequalities as measured by premature mortality. For circulatory diseases, a narrowing mortality gap showed a clear association with smoking cessation services that accorded with a best practice description, combined with a local population with relatively more people aged 65 or older. For cancers, a narrowing mortality gap was associated with areas that combined relatively low population mobility with a professional working culture described as one of individual commitment and championing. These findings reveal the complexity of meeting health inequality targets and applying evidence to this endeavour, since both ways of working and context appear to be important to making progress. Both need to be understood case by case if targets are to be locally realistic and evidence applied where local practice is known to matter to the outcome.

People with mental illness can be profoundly disabled and at risk of social exclusion. Transitional models of supported housing have limited effectiveness in improving community participation. Stable, individualised psychosocial housing support programmes have been found to assist in improving mental health and decreasing hospitalisations, but little is understood about whether or how these programmes facilitate social and community participation. This article argues that, if certain supports are available, supported housing models can assist people with high levels of psychiatric disability to participate meaningfully in the community. To make this case, the article uses findings of a longitudinal evaluation of a supported housing model in Australia: the Housing and Accommodation Support Initiative Stage One (HASI). HASI is a partnership between the New South Wales Government Departments of Health and Housing and non-government organisations. It is a coordinated approach that provides clients with housing and community-based clinical support, as well as support with daily living skills and community participation. An analysis of questionnaire, database, interview and clinical data is used to demonstrate how HASI contributes to increased social and community participation. The article concludes with policy implications for supported housing models that aim to facilitate meaningful community participation for people with mental illness.

The ways in which government supports families and protects children are always a fine balance. In recent years, we suggest that this balance can be characterised increasingly as ‘child-centric’, less concerned with families and more focused on individual children and their needs. This article charts the changes in families and government responses over the last 40 years, and the way this is reflected in organisational and administrative arrangements. It notes in particular the impact on everyday practice of the introduction of information and communication technologies. Findings are reported from recent research which shows the struggles faced by practitioners who try to manage systems which separate children from their familial, social and relational contexts. As a consequence, we suggest, the work has become increasingly fragmented and less mindful of children's life within families. While the data and analysis draw on research carried out in England, we suggest that similar changes may be going on in other Western liberal democracies.

Public discourse on migrant interactions with state welfare systems has often assumed exploitative motivations on the part of migrants, with charges of welfare tourism a recurring theme among segments of the political spectrum. Academic research has also tended to characterise migrant welfare utilisation in simple dichotomous terms where migrants are either ‘welfare dependent’ or not. This article argues for the analytic utility of disaggregating the concept of welfare utilisation into distinct component parts, denoting usage, participation and dependency with regard to state-provided cash welfare benefits. Using EU survey data, these distinct components of welfare utilisation among migrants are assessed in comparative cross-national context, comparing welfare and labour market outcomes for similar cohorts of migrants faced with dissimilar incentive structures. The results have direct implications for policy-makers, and for migrant experiences of social citizenship, in so far as they show little support for the moral hazard view of migrant interactions with welfare systems. Migrants in Ireland's relatively more generous welfare system are seen to have no greater likelihood of welfare dependency, and in fact show a lower usage of welfare (as a proportion of total income) than similar migrants in Britain, controlling for characteristics. Intriguingly, however, the likelihood of forming a partial labour market attachment is seen to respond to increasing levels of welfare usage in Ireland, but not in Britain, suggesting that migrants may be taking an active role in how they define their position in the work-welfare nexus in response to welfare system incentives.

This article seeks to identify key programmatic barriers to access to Unemployment Insurance (UI) faced by two groups of disadvantaged workers in the United States: those in the lowest wage quintile, and part-time workers who are primary wage earners. Analyses use the 2001 Panel of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), a nationally representative, longitudinal survey administered by the United States Census Bureau. Estimates of UI eligibility and receipt are presented for those who enter a spell of unemployment during the panel. Results suggest that a large majority of disadvantaged workers in the United States already meet UI earnings (monetary) requirements, and that barriers to access are more often the result of disadvantaged workers (1) assuming they are ineligible, or (2) not meeting non-monetary eligibility requirements because they voluntarily quit their job or were terminated for cause. Much of the focus in policy debates in the United States remains on reforming UI earnings requirements. If results presented in this article are correct, increasing UI access among disadvantaged workers will further require increasing rates of application through expanded knowledge about the programme among disadvantaged workers, and expanding (non-monetary) eligibility for job leavers.

This study focuses on the organisation among poor households of rotating savings and credit associations locally known in Turkey as gün. Based on a longitudinal study of 17 households, the research demonstrates the distinctive ability of various güns to operate smoothly under inflationary conditions. Unlike the predominant portrayal of güns as a leisure activity for middle-class women, they are shown to act as a self-welfare instrument whereby poor households acquire the discipline of saving towards both their consumption and investment needs. Contrary to the conventional view, these households are found to use güns in circumstances where formal credit and savings options are available.