Con el primer número del volumen 29 de Latin American Antiquity (LAQ) estamos muy contentos de poder anunciar buenas noticias para nuestros lectores y colaboradores. A partir de la edición de marzo 2018, el recuento anual de páginas de LAQ se incrementará a 880, al igual que American Antiquity (AAQ). Hace solo dos años se le asignaron a LAQ 576 páginas, por lo que esto significa un aumento del 53%, el mayor en la historia de la revista.

El trabajo explora cuán estables fueron las estrategias humanas una vez que las poblaciones indígenas del centro-occidente argentino incorporaron cultígenos. Asimismo, evalúa si una vez incorporado el consumo de plantas domésticas, las estrategias fueron, o no, progresivamente apoyándose más sobre la producción y consumo de las mismas. El estudio compara tres sitios con restos humanos (Jaime Prats-1, Rincón del Atuel-1 y Cañada Seca-1) localizados entre sí a una distancia máxima de 40 km y en un valle considerado como el límite sur de la agricultura andina prehispánica. Estos sitios, que presentan una continuidad temporal, abarcan desde ca. 1900 (300 años posterior al registro inicial de las plantas domésticas en la región) a ca. 1400 años aP. Se comparan datos de isótopos estables (13C, 15N, 18O), morfometría craneal, mandibular y dental, junto a información contextual arqueológica. El sitio más antiguo, Jaime Prats-1, muestra semejanzas isotópicas y morfológicas con Cañada Seca-1, el más reciente, a pesar de no ser continuos en el tiempo. Ambos se diferencian de Rincón del Atuel-1, que temporalmente se intercala entre los dos. Los resultados señalan una mayor importancia del maíz en Rincón del Atuel-1, junto a una menor movilidad residencial, aunque en ninguno de los casos este recurso habría contribuido más del 30% a la dieta. Los sistemas humanos que ocuparon la frontera agrícola en estos primeros 500 años de uso de plantas domésticas muestran una alta variabilidad en su organización, sin cruzar umbrales que impidan retornar a sistemas de baja producción.

The remains of non-native deer (Cervidae) have been sparsely recorded in Amerindian archaeological sites of the West Indies, but evidence indicates the presence of at least two genera, white-tailed deer (Odocoileus) and brocket deer (Mazama), during the precolumbian era known as the Ceramic Age (ca. 500 BC–AD 1500). Due to underreporting of finds and lack of regional integration of existing records, however, the West Indian distribution of cervid remains and their cultural importance are not well understood. Here, I synthesize records for unmodified and modified deer bone from 29 archaeological sites on seven islands in the precolumbian island Caribbean with descriptions for four new records of deer bone artifacts from Carriacou and Grenada. I discuss taxonomic attribution issues, evidence for manufacturing techniques, and the utilitarian and symbolic significance of deer bone artifacts. Particular attention is given to proportions of worked and unworked bone, element diversity, and skeletal part representation as a means to distinguish the introduction of living deer from the introduction of carcass products. The evidence presented here is consistent with island Amerindians importing cervid bone as finished artifacts or raw material for tool and ornament manufacture rather than live animals. This study enhances our understanding of the ways in which Amerindians were engaged in exchange networks based on the movement of exotic goods between the West Indies and continent. More broadly, it contributes to conceptual methods for distinguishing the transfer of body parts from the translocation of live animals in studies of exotic animal dispersal by humans.

Campanayuq Rumi is a large civic-ceremonial center located in the south-central highlands of Peru. Founded in the late Initial Period (1100–800 BC), Campanayuq Rumi became an important center within the Chavín Interaction Sphere in the Early Horizon (ca. 800–400 BC). In particular, Campanayuq Rumi is significant because of its geographical proximity to Quispisisa, the most important and widely circulated obsidian source during the Early Horizon. Portable X-ray florescence (pXRF) was used to geochemically source a sample of 370 obsidian artifacts from Campanayuq Rumi. Though obsidian from Quispisisa dominates the assemblage throughout the site's history, diachronic analysis indicates that the diversity of obsidian sources increases markedly in the Campanayuq II Phase (700–450 BC). The pXRF data lead us to conclude that Campanayuq Rumi was the locus of obsidian distribution to other locations in highland and coastal Peru within the Chavín Interaction Sphere, and functioned as a regional center of worship and interaction.

This article presents archaeological information on the remains of five domestic dogs (Canis lupus familiaris) recovered from prehistoric sites in the lowlands of southeast Uruguay. The presence of canines in the archaeological record is associated with horticultural hunter-gatherer groups, who adapted to the changing conditions of flood-prone ecosystems during the late Holocene (ca. 3000 years BP). Three of the five specimens discussed were recovered from human burial mounds, prompting further discussion on the economic, social, and symbolic and ritual significance of these animals.

This work integrates data from several analyses performed on snuff trays and tubes from La Paya in the Calchaquí Valley, Northwestern Argentina, to provide new insights on wood provenance and stylistic influences from other regions during the Regional Development and Inka periods. We use radiocarbon dating and contextual information to show that snuff trays and tubes are more strongly associated with the Regional Development Period (AD 900–1430/1470) in the Calchaquí Valley, with limited correlation to Inka contexts. This also implies the existence of networks that facilitated the procurement of wood from other regions (Subandean Region or Yungas) to make some Calchaquí snuff trays and tubes. There were also networks encompassing areas of the Calchaquí Valley, the Puna of Jujuy, the Quebrada de Humahuaca, and the Loa River region, through which stylistic information circulated.

Se han encontrado tumbas prehispánicas de tipo tiro y cámara en muchos países de América Latina, sobre todo a lo largo del litoral Pacífico. En el Occidente de México las primeras interpretaciones de estas tumbas, los entierros y las ofrendas asociadas son de poca confianza dado el uso de información principalmente de saqueadores, inspección de tumbas ya saqueadas y estudios de ofrendas removidas de su contexto original. Afortunadamente, excavaciones recientes de tumbas de tiro y cámara en los estados de Nayarit, Jalisco, Michoacán y Colima han proporcionado información de contextos mortuorios no saqueados. Nosotros presentamos información que hemos obtenido durante los últimos 22 años acerca del uso de tumbas de tiro y cámara durante por lo menos 1.260 años en tres municipios en el extremo noroeste de Jalisco. Esta información indica que la interpretación de este tipo de tumba y su contenido es compleja en varios aspectos, notablemente: dilatación, forma, profundidad, tratamiento de los restos humanos, ofrendas y su asociación con otros tipos de enterramientos. No obstante, la interpretación de algunas ofrendas por medio de analogías con la cultura huichol indica cierta unidad y continuidad cultural.

Although dendrochronological methods have the potential to provide precise calendar dates, they are virtually absent in Mesoamerican archaeological research. This absence is due to several long-standing, but erroneous, assumptions: that tree rings in this region do not reflect annual growth and environmental variability, that an adequate number of samples do not exist, and that tree-ring measurements cannot be useful without modern trees to link prehispanic chronologies. In this article we present data from the sites of La Quemada and Los Pilarillos, located in the Malpaso Valley, Zacatecas, to demonstrate that suitable archaeologically derived samples of dendrochronologically useful species do exist, that the samples from these sites are measurable and cross-datable, and that the tree rings can yield precise calendar dates using a method that “wiggle-matches” radiocarbon dates on tree-ring sequences. The work demonstrates the potential of these methods to address chronological, and, in the future, climatic questions, which have so far eluded archaeological work in the region.

Recent analyses use geometric morphometrics (GM), the quantitative study of shape and its variation, to examine aspects of the archaeological record. Our research builds on such applications to examine the organization of production by applying GM analysis to whole ceramic vessels from the Casas Grandes culture of northwest Mexico. We quantify variation in vessel shape and size and conclude that specialists made at least some of the Ramos and Babicora Polychromes, but that the other Casas Grandes ceramic types were generally made by nonspecialists. This bolsters arguments for Medio period (AD 1200 to 1450) specialized production above the household level but indicates that specialized production was limited to a subset of economically valuable goods. We further suggest some Ramos Polychrome was made by attached specialists associated with elites at Paquime, the religious center of the Medio period, whereas some Babicora Polychrome was made by independent specialists. The analysis contributes to three important anthropological topics: (1) the study of the Medio period Casas Grandes culture, and by extension the organization of production in mid-level hierarchically organized societies; (2) geometric morphometric analysis of archaeological collections; and (3) the Standardization Hypothesis and the relationship between artifact standardization and the organization of production.

Traditionally, the wide distribution of distinctive Chihuahuan polychrome ceramics has been interpreted as evidence for the extensive interaction sphere of Casas Grandes, or Paquime. The role of the major center of Paquime in the political and economic system is a crucial question in defining the nature and intensity of interactions in the Casas Grandes region and the extent of intraregional social and political integration. A large-scale, regional sourcing project using Chihuahuan polychrome ceramics provides new information on their production and distribution. It also demonstrates the limitations of ceramic sourcing analyses and presents a strong case for the fact that the underlying geology of a region determines the resolution at which ceramics can be attributed to production loci or resource procurement zones.

Researchers have noted and studied the finely formed manos and metates of the Casas Grandes region of northern Mexico, but little is known about how and where they were produced. During a survey project in 2013, we located a quarry, the first discovered in this region, where grinding stones were manufactured using a suite of stone tools. We report the morphology of the site, the tool kit of the metateros (metate makers), and ethnoarchaeological implications resulting from the study of modern metateros that can aid in the interpretation of prehistoric ground stone quarries.

We explore the transformation of a site into a place of remembrance by evaluating the life history of an urnfield at Cerro de Trincheras, Sonora, Mexico. Prehispanic inhabitants used this cemetery as a cremation burial ground ca. AD 1300–1450. Memory of the cemetery persisted into historical times among inhabitants of the area, but its use changed. We argue that critical and contextualized approaches to cemeteries are needed to understand the complexity of how burial spaces are used through time.