Several khipus—Inka knotted-string recording devices—were recently excavated at a storage facility at the Peruvian south coast site of Inkawasi, found buried under agricultural produce (i.e., chili peppers, peanuts, and black beans). These khipus contain a formulaic arrangement of numerical values not encountered on khipus from elsewhere in Tawantinsuyu (the Inka Empire). The formula includes first, a large number, hypothesized to record the sum total of produce included in a deposit, followed by a “fixed number,” and then one or more additional numbers. The fixed number plus the additional number(s) sum to the original large number. It is hypothesized that the fixed number represents an amount deducted from the deposit to support storage facility personnel. As such, it represented a tax assessed on deposits, the first evidence we have for a system of taxation on goods in the Inka Empire. It is proposed that the size and complexity of the storage facility at Inkawasi prompted the “invention” of a kind of financing instrument—taxation—not known previously from Inka administration. We also consider, but provisionally set aside, the alternative hypothesis that the fixed values recorded on the Inkawasi khipus could have represented amounts of seeds set aside from deposits for the next year's planting.

This paper uses plane pattern symmetries to describe the structural arrangement of motifs in Sikyatki-style patterns on textiles depicted in fourteenth and fifteenth century AD kiva murals from Awat'ovi and Kawaika'a in Arizona and Pottery Mound in New Mexico. The analysis reveals that these textiles have pattern structures in common with designs on textiles, ceramic artifacts, and architectural decorations in the Postclassic Mixteca-Puebla style. These shared patterns and pattern structures were introduced into the American Southwest woven on fabric structures of textiles brought north from Mesoamerica via trade and migration routes along the Mexican West Coast and through the Sierra Madre.

Este artigo apresenta um processo de ocupação de grupos construtores de cerritos no sítio arqueológico Pontal da Barra, localizado no estuário da Laguna dos Patos, sul do Brasil. Ocupado entre 2500 e 1800 anos aP como área de acampamentos e, posteriormente, entre 1800 e 1200 anos aP como área de ocupação permanente, o Pontal da Barra foi abandonado por volta de 1000 anos aP. Esse processo é evidenciado arqueologicamente pela complexificação de estruturas arquitetônicas monticulares e suas áreas adjacentes, pelo manejo de sedimento interno nos montículos, além dos aspectos multifuncionais e monumentais dos aterros. Como parte de um território regional, o banhado do Pontal da Barra se tornou um espaço significativo no domínio espacial dos grupos cerriteiros. O sítio foi sistematicamente ocupado ao longo de 1.500 anos, compondo uma comunidade de pescadores, agentes de uma história indígena de longa duração.

Shrines were a regular component of ceremonial architecture in the public plazas of Postclassic Maya centers. Small shrines and natural landmarks such as caves and outcrops at the borders of settlements or in wilderness locations also served, and in some cases continue to serve, as important ritual loci for Maya peoples. These more peripheral locales were not only critical access points to the supernatural, but also served to delineate places. Because these border features, which represent only a given moment in a constantly shifting social and political landscape, are sometimes unmodified or are inconspicuous, they are relatively ephemeral and difficult to identify in the archaeological record. This paper documents a Late Postclassic shrine paired with a natural feature, a small hill, from the site of Tayasal in Petén, Guatemala. We argue that it served as a border shrine. Paired with the small hill, the two embodied a liminal frontier, not only between earthly and spiritual realms but also between settled and unsettled space.

Las prácticas alfareras en perspectiva arqueológica pueden ser estudiadas abordando diferentes aristas concernientes al proceso de producción y los restos materiales asociados a cada etapa. En este trabajo se presentan los resultados obtenidos del análisis tecnológico integral de una muestra extensiva de alfarería procedente del tambo Incaico de Costa de Reyes N°5 (Tinogasta, Catamarca, Argentina). La metodología implementada para lograr los objetivos consiste en la reconstrucción de formas típicas, la observación de cortes frescos en lupa binocular y la petrografía en secciones delgadas, aplicadas a un conjunto alfarero recolectado tanto de contextos superficiales como de excavaciones estratigráficas realizadas en dos recintos del sitio de Costa de Reyes N°5. A través de esta aproximación se han logrado visualizar continuidades y rupturas en el proceso de producción de alfarería y en las recetas aplicadas por los alfareros durante momentos de los períodos Agroalfarero tardío (ca. 900–1450 dC) e Inca (ca. 1480–1532 dC). Mientras que la producción de alfarería durante el período Tardío presenta características heterogéneas y una mayor variabilidad, en momentos Incaicos se observa que las recetas aplicadas por los alfareros para elaborar las pastas cerámicas se homogenizan, lo que se interpreta como un control más estricto sobre las fuentes de materia prima y sobre el proceso de hacer alfarería como un todo.

This article presents new settlement survey data from the Izapa center of southern Mesoamerica, a site long known for its corpus of low-relief stelae. These data, which track the changing distribution of population from 1000 BC–AD 100, indicate that the city's population peaked at 5,725 inhabitants. Izapa was the capital of a regional kingdom with more than 40 lower-order monumental centers and a territory that covered at least 450 sq. km. Recent AMS dates confirm the apogee of the kingdom at 300–100 BC, and volcanological reconstruction suggests that a Tacaná volcano eruption corresponds with archaeological evidence of political and demographic disruptions to the kingdom. Patterns at Izapa are contextualized in terms of Inomata and colleagues’ (2014) call for redating Kaminaljuyu, placing the erection of stelae there to after 100 BC, as well as Love's (2018) and Mendelsohn's (2018) responses in this journal. Izapa was an integrated kingdom from 700–100 BC, and “Izapa-style” sculptures were a novel medium of political communication introduced after the polity had been functioning without them for centuries. If Inomata and colleagues' (2014) proposal is correct that low-relief stelae were erected only after 100 BC at other centers in southern Mesoamerica, this was centuries after the practice was established at Izapa.

In the semiarid environment of the Fuegian steppe (Argentina), shallow lakes were intensively exploited by hunter-gatherers throughout the Holocene. The archaeological record concentrated along their shoreline frequently reports the first stages of the lithic reduction sequence. In this article, we consider rock availability at different coastal sectors in Lake Amalia. The data focus on the size and weight of the cobbles used as raw material (in Lake Amalia and nearby locations), aiming to compare transported material and that which is spatially located. We analyze information regarding the role played by shallow lakes in the exploitation of steppe environments and their importance in hunter-gatherers’ mobility. We suggest that raw material frequency, size, and spatial distribution have conditioned space-use patterns in the Fuegian steppe. The Amalia locality study case sheds light on recurrent visits to specific places in these landscapes.

In this paper we discuss the use of mineral pigments recovered in stratigraphic position from three excavated archaeological sites (Traful Lake area, Argentina) with the aim of providing information on selection and frequency of use of these raw materials. In this region, human occupation has been recorded since 4000 BP. In order to identify the chromophoric minerals, we applied wavelength dispersive X-ray fluorescence spectrometry, Raman spectroscopy, and X-ray diffraction techniques. Green, red, yellow ochre, and white pigments dated between 3490 and 590 BP were analyzed. The results show that different analytical techniques provide complementary information in order to identify the pigments. Green, red, and yellow samples are related to iron-based compounds. The green pigments can be associated with celadonite and the others with hematite. White samples revealed the presence of hydroxyapatite. Black dots, identified as carbon, were observed in several samples. Red pigments are always predominant, and their relative abundance increases in recent strata. Results are discussed in light of the context and previous reports of chroniclers.

Se presentan los primeros resultados obtenidos del estudio tecnológico-funcional de un conjunto de 55 cabezales de hachas o azuelas líticas asignadas al período prehispánico tardío (1500–360 años aP) de las Sierras de Córdoba, Argentina. A partir del análisis de sus atributos tecnológicos (peso, agudeza y largo de los filos, etc.) y de los rastros de uso utilizando aumentos de 20–50x, se argumenta que un número significativo de instrumentos fue utilizado para realizar tareas que involucraron el contacto con sedimentos abrasivos, probablemente para cortar y arrancar elementos leñosos del sotobosque a nivel del suelo. Una proporción del conjunto evidenció rastros de uso exclusivamente asociados al trabajo sobre maderas, como pulido y micro-estrías restringidas a la periferia de los filos. Se concluye que los grupos tardíos desarrollaron artefactos pulidos costosos para cumplir efectivamente con la apertura y mantenimiento de claros en el bosque serrano, ya sea para el cultivo, la construcción de viviendas o incrementar la capacidad reproductiva de plantas silvestres de las cuales dependían, entre otros motivos. De esta manera, comprender la función de las hachas o azuelas tardías es fundamental para discutir las actividades productivas y la modificación antrópica del paisaje propuesta para la región a fines del Holoceno.

En una excavación arqueológica llevada a cabo por el Ministerio de Cultura del Cuzco en el sitio de Espíritu Pampa, el último refugio Inca de Vilcabamba (Perú), se encontraron 55 fragmentos de una vasija extraordinaria. La pieza presenta una decoración pictórica con una escena muy compleja, llena de simbolismos y metáforas visuales sobre el enfrentamiento entre españoles e indígenas. La escena incluye 39 seres humanos y 57 animales, los cuales fueron estudiados cuidadosamente. El análisis iconográfico considera los diferentes detalles representados, tales como las armas y las prendas, además de otros elementos más simbólicos y metáforas visuales representadas por medio de los animales y el motivo del arcoíris. Al reunir los diferentes componentes de la iconografía, concluimos que la escena no es la representación de un evento bélico concreto, sino una visión incaica del futuro, en la que los indígenas, unidos bajo el mandato inca, vencerán a los españoles.

In this article, we present research on Inka actions in the face of resistance by indigenous peoples on the northern frontier. We link fieldwork at the Pambamarca complex in northern Ecuador with historic documents to provide important context for further examining imperial processes. With its three site types, Pambamarca offers an opportunity to examine the range of tendencies that groups undergo during imperial moments. Its sites show evidence of both direct displays and the materialization of forceful control or takeover, as well as the more passive, nonsettler, decentralized hegemonic narratives also commonly associated with empire. Here we present detailed data for Inka military installations used to confront a prolonged resistance by the País Caranqui, a decentralized confederation of Caranqui-Cayambe peoples. Evidence from surveys and excavations— including architectural planning, distribution of artifacts, and military encounters—at two large sites in the complex, Quitoloma and Campana Pucara, helps expand our current understandings of the Inka invasion in northern Ecuador while broadening our perspective on the imperial narrative in South America.

Stone tool producers in the Maya Lowlands had several types of raw materials from which to choose. Limestone, chert, and obsidian are the most naturally abundant, whereas chert and obsidian outnumber limestone in archaeological contexts. The presence of flaked-stone tools made of limestone is typically attributed to the scarcity of more suitable raw materials. Nevertheless, in chert-rich areas, such as the upper Belize River valley, limestone bifaces and production debitage are present. To understand their presence, we examine limestone biface production and use at Buenavista del Cayo.

The following report provides new data on a Sun Pyramid cache excavated by René Millon in 1959, including confirmation that the cache was associated with a substructure. A technological analysis illustrates the anthropomorphic eccentric production sequence, and indicates that the miniature projectile points were produced from debitage from multiple reduction technologies. All obsidian artifacts were attributed to the Otumba source area via energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence (EDXRF). In addition to providing data on the production of obsidian implements for ritual deposits, we suggest that the cache may be a representation of scaffold sacrifice.

In this report we introduce the site of Noh K'uh, a Late Preclassic (400 BC–AD 250) community in the western frontier of the Maya Lowlands. This new body of data contributes to the study of how complex societies emerged both within the Usumacinta River region and the Maya area overall.

Two modified skulls from Pacbitun, Belize, one with a glyphic text, match ancient Maya depictions of trophies fashioned from war captives and worn by elite warriors.

Love (2018) misunderstands some concepts of Bayesian analysis and the data from Naranjo and Urías. The cross-dating of El Ujuxte needs to be reevaluated with the publication of its ceramic data.

I thank my colleagues for their comments, but I disagree with their assessment.