In a study of Middle Preclassic (Conchas phase) ceramics from the site of La Blanca, Love (1989) derived a sequence of four subphases. Here, the focus is on 431 prismatic obsidian blades excavated from the same deposits in order to discern if patterns of change can be discovered in this lithic industry. For each blade, recorded attributes describe blade dimensions and edge wear, as observed through low-power microscopy. Chronological controls were set by ceramic associations. Through the sequence, blades became smaller and more fragmentary, due, we hypothesized, to an increasing scarcity of obsidian. As predicted from these trends, we found that wear patterns became more pronounced through time, and use of a bipolar technology became increasingly important for removing (rejuvenating) worn lateral edges. A definite obsidian-blade sequence emerged, which was investigated through linear discriminant-function analyses.

The first systematic research on the funerary record at the Río Bote 1 (RB1) rockshelter, located next to the Bote River, a tributary of the Santa Cruz River in southern Patagonia, has revealed at least three human burial events dating to the very early Late Holocene and one dating to the middle Late Holocene. The RB1 site appears to have been used for both subsistence and inhumation activities. All of the burials uncovered postdate the deposition of a prominent volcanic ash layer. Technological information indicates that RB1 was used by groups that were also using spaces to the west and south. Mortuary evidence indicates connections with groups living in areas extending from the Última Esperanza region to the Pali Aike volcanic field, at least at the beginning of the Late Holocene. The selection of the same place for multiple burials may explain why so few human burials are known in southern Patagonia from the beginning of the Late Holocene and earlier periods, as it is possible that sites like RB1 are yet to be discovered.

Early Spaniards reported that the Inka state organized public celebrations involving extravagant banquets and drinking, in addition to singing and dancing. Cieza de León and Cobo noted that large number of llamas were slaughtered for such special celebrations. Although it is understood that food was an integral part of the festivities and that the Inka state used food as a political tool, until recently the meal preparation details for such large gatherings remained unknown. Recent archaeological excavation at Tambo Viejo revealed the presence of earthen ovens, similar in fashion to contemporary pachamanka, that were used for cooking at Inka state public celebrations.

Se presentan los resultados de los análisis técnicos de manufactura en fibra vegetal de esteras o mantas funerarias, ampliamente usadas entre los cazadores, pescadores y recolectores de la tradición cultural Chinchorro, que habitaron la costa del norte de Chile y sur de Perú entre los 10.000 y 3500 aP. Se analizaron 153 fragmentos de esteras de 12 sitios funerarios de Arica y Camarones. Se describen y grafican los atributos de las dos técnicas identificadas: twining o torzal (94%) y técnica de estera cosida (6%) y sus rasgos estéticos de pintados y bordados. Estas técnicas fueron muy conservadoras y no variaron a través del tiempo y el espacio. La excepción es la técnica de estera cosida, que aparece hacia fines del Arcaico Tardío (4000-3500 aP). La aplicación de diseños pintados se registra desde el Arcaico Temprano (10.000-7000 aP) con ajedrezados y franjas bicolor (rojo y negro), a lo que se agregan en el Arcaico Tardío diseños más complejos (escalonados y círculos) además de esteras con aplicación de bordados. No detectamos diferencias en la manufactura de las esteras en relación con la edad, sexo y tipo de tratamiento funerario de los individuos que portaban estas esteras.

Settlement scaling theory predicts that higher site densities lead to increased social interactions that, in turn, boost productivity. The scaling relationship between population and land area holds for several ancient societies, but as demonstrated by the sample of 48 sites in this study, it does not hold for the Northern Maya Lowlands. Removing smaller sites from the sample brings the results closer to scaling expectations. We argue that applications of scaling theory benefit by considering social interaction as a product not only of proximity but also of daily life and spatial layouts.

This study examines the ritual and socioeconomic significance of animals in ceremonial contexts at Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala. Kaminaljuyu was once the largest and most politically powerful highland Maya center. We compare faunal remains from different contexts, including burials and dedicatory offerings in and around monumental features, to better understand the role of animals in these deposits. We then compare ceremonial activities across Mesoamerica to identify similarities alluding to widely recognized practices. Late and Terminal Preclassic (350 BC–AD 250) ceremonies at Kaminaljuyu contain some of the earliest marine fish recovered from a Maya highland site, demonstrating the ability of early elites to obtain exotic species for special events. Dogs, including perhaps the first evidence for Preclassic hairless dogs in Guatemala, appear in deposits that resemble canine sacrificial offerings in central Mexico. The new faunal data in this study provide a novel perspective on Kaminaljuyu's sociopolitical role in the region.

The origin of the Codex Borgia has been under discussion since it was first published. Although there exists a consensus that it, along with the other manuscripts of the Borgia Group, corresponds to the Mixteca-Puebla style, opinions vary as to its specific provenience within the area where this style is found. The majority of the arguments proposed involve stylistic and iconographic similarities between elements represented in the codex and those found on ceramics and Prehispanic mural paintings, particularly in the Valleys of Puebla-Tlaxcala and Tehuacán, but a direct relation with any aspect of material culture remains tenuous. Recent archaeological excavations in Cholula have provided a large collection of peculiar Postclassic figurines that appear to correspond to the ritual "jars" represented on various pages of the codex. Because the distribution of these pieces is limited to the Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley, and they have not been reported for other parts of Mesoamerica, we suggest that their repeated occurrence in the Codex Borgia provides yet more evidence to claim a Puebla-Tlaxcala origin for this document.

Bedrock mortars recur in the record of many prehispanic communities. However, few studies discuss their relationship with social processes. In the present work, we discuss a regional study of bedrock mortars in the semiarid north of Chile, specifically the Limarí River basin (30° S). Using a combination of formal, spatial, contextual, archaeobotanical, and absolute dating analyses, we assess the chronology of bedrock mortars and how they related to social processes of hunter-gatherer populations of the region (2000 BC to AD 1000). In particular, we suggest that an increase in production of bedrock mortars among pottery-using hunter-gatherer groups (AD 1–1000) can be observed, associated with a greater intensity of plant collection and use, and a diminution in the importance of hunting. This situation led to a set of new social relationships structured on the practice of collective grinding and shared use of bedrock mortars. These results show the importance of this material record as a means of approaching aspects of prehispanic social life, and demonstrates a methodological framework within which to interrogate this materiality by combining different analytical levels of bedrock mortars’ variability.

The relationship between Andean coca use and dental deposits is explored through the use of scanning electron microscopy/energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM/EDS). Elemental analyses of samples of large dental deposits from archeologically recovered skeletons from Ecuador dating between 500 B.C. and A.D. 1532 are compared with those of normal calculus deposits of individuals from North America (modern and precontact), of normal tooth structure and of samples of alkali recovered from Ecuadorian artifacts thought to have been employed in coca use. Spectral analysis revealed homogeneity among all dental samples (deposits and structure) and that they are distinct from the elemental pattern revealed in the analysis of the artifact alkalis.

The past decades have witnessed major advancements in our understanding of Classic Maya political history, particularly geopolitical dynamics centered on hegemonic states. Yet there has been only halting progress toward historically based archaeological research focusing on the political, social, and economic impacts of political domination and subordination. To address this deficiency, I examine changes in settlement patterns and ceramic sphere affiliation in the Río Champotón drainage within broader historical and geopolitical developments. In this region, the end of the Classic period is characterized by dramatic changes in ceramic links, with a shift from inland-focused traditions to the incorporation within a coastal ceramic sphere—the Canbalam sphere—that linked maritime trade centers between northwest Yucatán and coastal Tabasco. These transitions were embedded within major reorientations in regional settlement patterns and broader geopolitical dynamics centering on the expansion and dissolution of the Kanu’l state, or Snake Dynasty. Following the decline of the Snake Dynasty of Calakmul, communities in central Campeche forged new political and economic ties with emergent centers along the Gulf Coast and the northern Maya Lowlands. The results of this study demonstrate the transformative nature of hegemonic interpolity relationships and highlight the potential for new avenues of conjunctive research combining historical and archaeological data sources.

In this paper, we examine recently recovered data from two sites belonging to different chronological periods in the Lurin j Valley of the Perúvian central coast. We discuss in a comparative framework how rural elites in the settlements ofLote B \ and Panquilma saw their lives transformed while dealing with the intrusion of the Lima polity and the Inkas, respectively. Each site presents evidence of at least two sets of ritual and feasting activities, one in domestic contexts and another associated with monumental architecture. We propose that in both cases the rural elites of these two sites implemented a set of mutually constituted strategies when dealing with outside political influence. These strategies were oriented upwards to deal with changes at the regional level as well as downwards to maintain their privileged position in their own communities during moments of change. These parallel strategies were developed through a complex interplay of economics, ideology, and public prestige available to the elites. In the case of Lote B, the rural elites acquired economic power, consolidating a loose level of leadership by sacrificing part of their public prestige. At Panquilma, we find evidence for the existence of rural elites with a solid economic position who were compelled to search for legitimization and prestige in the local realm rather than by participating in a new and larger economic system.

In this article, we use the precision of Bayesian modeled radiocarbon dates to reconstruct a generational history of Late Preclassic (300 BC–AD 250) Cerros (Cerro Maya), Belize. This research was made possible by long-curated excavation records and material remains now housed at the Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville. Our interpretations build on earlier research and refine the temporal resolution significantly, enabling us to view site development from the perspective of adjacent generations sharing a lived experience. Here we examine material evidence of their collective actions as they built new buildings and renovated aging ones, characterizing their roles in inventing a visual future for the Late Preclassic Maya port that engaged ancestral actions while reinventing the landscape.

The European conquest and colonization of the Caribbean precipitated massive changes in indigenous cultures and societies of the region. One of the earliest changes was the introduction of new plant and animal foods and culinary traditions. This study presents the first archaeological reconstruction of indigenous diets and foodways in the Caribbean spanning the historical divide of 1492. We use multiple isotope datasets to reconstruct these diets and investigate the potential relationships between dietary and mobility patterns at multiple scales. Dietary patterns are assessed by isotope analyses of different skeletal elements from the archaeological skeletal population of El Chorro de Maíta, Cuba. This approach integrates carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses of bone and dentine collagen with carbon and oxygen isotope analyses of bone and enamel apatite. The isotope results document extreme intrapopulation dietary heterogeneity but few systematic differences in diet between demographic/social groups. Comparisons with published isotope data from other precolonial and colonial period populations in the Caribbean indicate distinct dietary and subsistence practices at El Chorro de Maíta. The majority of the local population consumed more animal protein resources than other indigenous populations in the Caribbean, and their overall dietary patterns are more similar to colonial period enslaved populations than to indigenous ones.

The Napo River basin, which is situated within the Upper Amazon archaeological region, is one of the most speciose forests in Greater Amazonia. Standard thinking in scholarship and science holds that these forests are essentially pristine because any Indigenous impacts in the past would have been minimal, seedbanks would have been nearby, and natural forests would have reappeared after the humans left, died out, or dispersed. Inventory research in 2019 on three ridgetop forests in Waorani territory inside the Curaray basin (which drains to the right margin of the Napo River) and a comparable inventory on one control site forest along the Nushiño River (also in the Curaray basin) show human impacts from about the late nineteenth century to about 1960; they occurred during the period of wartime among Waorani themselves and between Wao people and outsiders. The human impacts resulted in the high basal-area presence of two long-lived species with important Waorani cultural uses: cacao (Theobroma cacao L.) and ungurahua palm (Oenocarpus bataua Mart.). These species have high frequency and dominance values and do not occur in the control site, which is comparable in terms of elevation above the flood zone of the rivers in the sample. These findings mean that alpha diversity in the right margin sector (or south) of the Napo River basin cannot a priori be explained by reference to traditionally, biologically accepted patterns of ecological succession but may require knowledge of historical patterns of Indigenous land use and secondary landscape transformation over time due to human (specifically Waorani) impacts of the past.

La región pacífica de Colombia presenta numerosas áreas inexploradas a lo largo de su litoral costero y tierras bajas. La región sur es la más conocida gracias a la importancia arqueológica de las zonas de Tumaco y La Tolita (Ecuador). Al norte de Tumaco recientemente se exploró la región del bajo Río Patía (Nariño). A traves de este trabajo se observaron asentamientos precolombinos relacionados con dos fases culturales: (a) fase Buena Vista y (b) fase Maina. Los pobladores precolombinos de estas fases se adaptaron básicamente a las áreas bajas de la llanura aluvial selvática y la región costera del sur de Colombia. Hacia finales del período de Desarrollo Regional costero, la fase Buena Vista (ca. 70–500 D.C.) culturalmente se encuentra relacionada con las fases tardías de El Morro y El Balsal de la secuencia establecida para la región de Tumaco (Nariño). Estas fases a su vez forman parte del período tardío “decadente” de la tradición Tumaco-La Tolita (ca. 400 A.C.-500 D.C.) de la costa sur de Colombia y norte del Ecuador. Igualmente, la fase Buena Vista se relaciona con la fase Guadual (ca. 200–600 D.C.) de la cuenca de los ríos Santiago y Cayapas, en el norte de la costa ecuatoriana. Posteriormente, la llegada de nuevos grupos al bajo Patía se representa por asentamientos de la fase Maina datados hacia el 880 D.C., hasta, probablemente, el contacto europeo. Esta fase se caracteriza primordialmente por una industria alfarera sencilla y poco decorada en relación con la cerámica de la fase anterior. Algunos de los sitios tardíos a su vez podrían corresponder a asentamientos de grupos Sindagua que ocuparon el área al tiempo de la Conquista y la Colonia, en los siglos XVI y XVII.

Stemp et al. (2016) published data on 81 preceramic (Archaic) points from Belize, Central America. In this comment, we report four more chipped chert bifaces recently recovered in Belize (Figure 1). Based on metrics (Table 1), technology, and style, three are classified as Lowe and one as a Sawmill point (Kelly 1993; Lohse et al. 2006; Stemp et al. 2016).

This study uses stable carbon δ13C and oxygen δ18O isotope compositions data to assess the extent to which diet breadths of northwestern Guyana changed during the Holocene. We analyzed human bone and enamel remains from seven shell mound sites dating between 7500 and 2600 BP. Our analyses demonstrate some constancy in C3 plant availability during the past several thousand years, though we note increasing reliance on such plants beginning in the Early Holocene. We also document warming intervals during the Early Holocene (Early Archaic) that appear to correlate with dry periods known elsewhere in the central Amazon during this period.

Assessment of the nature of intrasocietal relationships in the context of the origin of state-level power is a critical area of study within anthropological archaeology. A well-established model of such emergent political relations (Wittfogel 1957) posits that differential access to land, coupled with intensification of agriculture, places common farmers in a position of inferiority, and thus subjects them to exploitation by the elite controllers of intensive agriculture. The central thesis of this article is that the initial relationship between the elite controllers and the common laborers in an intensive agricultural system was mutually beneficial, with the state only capable of exercising more exploitative power some generations after the establishment of intensive agriculture. I argue that the economic measure of marginal productivity may best reflect each farmer’s personal contribution to agriculture, and that, in a largely kin-based system, it is difficult for the emergent elite to exercise exploitative power when the marginal productivity of labor is high. I support the thesis on the basis of the simulated trajectory of marginal productivity, which indicates that marginal product increases with intensification. I explore the model further in a consideration of the rise of the Classic Maya kingdom of Copán, Honduras.