The nature of the adjustments made by the steadily increasing population of central coastal Peru in the Middle through Late Preceramic time periods can be examined by careful study of bioindicators. Nonspecific indicators of stress (NSIS) preserved in human remains provide independent evidence for validating paleodemographic hypotheses. If life expectancy improves over a period of time, one expects diminished indication of nonspecific stress. Decreasing stress over time also may imply increasing fertility in precontraceptive peoples, which, along with declining mortality, would lead to population growth. However, the converse does not follow; populations may grow over time whether responding to increasing, stable, or decreasing stress. Other factors, such as changing subsistence strategies or hybrid vigor, also may be useful in explaining diminished indications of either nonspecific stress or population increase. The complex relations among (a) population structure and density (PSD), (b) nonspecific indicators of stress, and (c) diet have not yielded deductions that could form a universal set of expectations. However, several kinds of adaptation that are distinct with respect to population growth and health status are considered and illustrated with analyses of 201 skeletons from the preagricultural village of Paloma in central coastal Peru.

Agricultural and residential space were integrated in prehistoric lowland Mesoamerica for productive and domestic activities to produce distinctive patterns of settlement and land use visible in the archaeological record. Ethnoarchaeological studies provide information on the behavioral component of site formation in such contexts. Contemporary residential refuse treatment and the use of infield agricultural land are examined here from a sample of farming households in the Sierra de los Tuxtlas of southern Veracruz, Mexico. A model of site structure (the House-Lot model) relates the maintenance of refuse-free (clear area) and refuse-laden (intermediate area) spaces within the house lot to household farming activities outside of the residential lot. Variation in the intensity of cultivation on infield plots is shown to correlate with variability in the size of areas within house lots. This research suggests that the distribution of prehistoric residential debris might be used to diagnose factors of ancient agriculture and settlement in contexts commonly encountered during archaeological excavation and survey.

The degree and nature of the influence of the Middle Horizon Wari empire (ca. A.D. 540-900) on the culture history of Peru's north coast has been a topic of much heated debate over the past two decades. The arguments have tended to polarize around the issue of whether or not there was a Wari invasion of the north coast. Those arguing against the invasion hypothesis have claimed that there was no direct Wari influence on north coast cultural history. Those arguing in favor of the invasion hypothesis have attributed nearly all changes evident in the archaeological record to the results of a Wari military conquest. An attempt is made here to decouple the issues of Wari influence and Wari invasion. In an analysis of the architecture of the Wari imperial administrative sites and the ciudadela architecture of Chan Chan, capital of the north coastal Chimu empire, some remarkable similarities are seen. The shift from the pre-Middle Horizon Moche (ca. 100 B.C.-A.D. 650) pattern of pyramid-dominated ceremonial centers to the Late Intermediate period (ca. A.D. 900-1476) ciudadela form of the Chimu is seen as a result of conscious imitation of the prestige Wari imperial style. It is argued that this imitation is a likely result regardless of whether or not there was a Wari invasion.

The study in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of the earliest history of native Latin Americans falls into two distinct periods. The first, associated with an interest in the ancient Mexican and Peruvian civilizations, can be divided into two stages: the 1920s to the early 1940s, when Soviet scholars first acquainted themselves with antiquities from the region and used them for historical parallels; and the late 1940s and early 1950s, when Soviet historians turned to an analysis of Latin American materials. The second period went through three stages: the first, from the early 1950s to the early 1960s, mainly was dominated by Yury Knorozov, who was engaged in deciphering the language of the Maya, and Rostislav Kinzhalov, who studied their art and culture. During the second stage, the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, more scholars and research institutions undertook studies of the early cultures of Latin America. The thematic range became wider as well, covering—besides Mesoamerica and the central Andean region—the Intermediate region and the Caribbean. The third stage, which started in the late 1970s and continues to the present day, witnesses ethnographers and archaeologists pooling their efforts in studying the region. There were several conferences in which specialists engaged in various fields of Latin American studies participated. Their contacts with foreign colleagues became wider; Soviet archaeologists and ethnologists took part in fieldwork in Latin America. The primary aims today are to introduce Soviet readers to archaeological materials from a number of cultural-historical regions (such as the southern fringes of Mesoamerica, Amazonia, the southern Andes, etc.), to detail Soviet studies of cultural complexes and historical processes in ancient America, and to compare them to the processes that took place in the Old World, with the aim of establishing shared historical “laws” and patterns.

A recent systematic archaeological survey in the Ejutla Valley, Oaxaca, Mexico, enables us to examine long-term settlement-pattern changes in this small region and its shifting Prehispanic relation with the larger, adjacent Valley of Oaxaca. Throughout the sequence, Ejutla was settled less densely than Oaxaca, though the degree of difference varied through time. Ejutla was not a simple microcosm of Oaxaca; rather the former region shifted from a sparsely inhabited frontier to a more-dependent periphery that maintained different degrees of autonomy over time. Through a multiscalar examination of this contiguous area larger than a single valley, new perspectives are gained concerning political and economic relations and processes at the macroregional scale for the southern highlands of ancient Mesoamerica.

This paper focuses on the demographic and architectural organization of a South Amerindian tropical-forest community. The household, as the most important social, economic, and behavioral unit in this society, is reflected in the strong quantitative relations between the floor areas of the various structure types and the associated number of occupants. In contrast, floor area/number of occupants relations at the nuclear-family level are quantitatively weak. Since the aboriginal household was also the most important economic and demographic social unit in the South American tropics, the present study may be used to estimate prehistoric settlement population levels using excavated data. As such, this study encourages the use of the direct-historical approach by archaeologists working in the lowlands of South America.

Maguey cultivators in the Basin of Mexico during the Middle and Late Postclassic (A.D. 1150-1521) periods pioneered the more agriculturally marginal parts of the environment, such as the sloping piedmont zone around the alluvial plain. In their land-use strategy, terraced interplantings of maguey and grain formed the house gardens (calmilli) of their villages. These villages were established sometime around the twelfth century, and by the time of Spanish Conquest they covered the piedmont zones of the Teotihuacan Valley, Texcoco region, and similar areas of the Basin of Mexico. Archaeological and ethnographic evidence permit reconstruction of the caloric productivity of this interplanted terrace system, using modern maguey yields. This productivity is compared with the needs of the maguey cultivators by looking at a particular archaeological example, the Aztec period village of Cihuatecpan, in the Teotihuacan Valley.

The presence of cacao has been discovered in the state of Yucatan, Mexico. Cacao in this region has been mentioned since Prehispanic times by diverse chroniclers and investigators. Nonetheless, until the present, there did not exist concrete evidence of the existence of cacao in this area. Apparently, the climate and soil of Yucatan are not adequate for the natural growth of this species, which requires great humidity throughout the year and deep soils. Cacao was found in three sinkholes (k'o'op) to the south of Valladolid. The trees found are of a rare form of cacao only known in the Lacandon region in Chiapas: Theobroma cacao L. subspecies cacao forma lacandonica Cuatrecasas. A discussion of the importance of this discovery from the perspectives of biology, ecology, and history is presented. This discovery reinforces the importance of the present-day flora for understanding the management of vegetation in the past.

Este trabajo proporciona datos sobre las recientes excavaciones llevadas a cabo en la estructura de Akapana, Tiwanaku, Bolivia. Esta es la construcción religiosa más masiva y alta del sitio. Después de mencionar algunos datos de las temporadas de campo 1988 y 1989, se describe una serie de restos parciales humanos articulados, ubicados en un ángulo remetido del sector norte de la estructura. Los autores ofrecen una serie de hipótesis alternativas para explicar este patrón, poniendo especial énfasis en la componente ritual.

Aunque las tres fuentes principales de obsidiana se encuentran ubicadas en las tierras altas, los modelos propuestos hasta la fecha para reconstruir la distribución de este material en las tierras bajas no suelen tomar en consideración los factores sociopolíticos e históricos que han afectado las entidades mayas de tierras altas. Sin embargo, estos factores son determinantes de los sistemas comerciales a larga distancia. Al examinar y comparar la ruta por tierra de Alta Verapaz y la ruta fluvial–marítima del Motagua–Caribe en una perspectiva geográfica, sociopolítica, e histórica que integra los grandes centros de Kaminaljuyú y de Quiriguá, así como los centros de Verapaz, se concluye que la segunda ruta fue sin duda más activa que la primera en el comercio de obsidiana, entre otros bienes. Pero, la complejidad de las secuencias históricas de estos centros y la variabilidad de sus estructuras sociopolíticas sugieren que la competencia entre las dos rutas fue intensa y provocó cierta inestabilidad en los sistemas comerciales y flujos de obsidiana, por una y otra ruta.

Five seasons of archaeological fieldwork at the Maya lowland site of Rio Azul are summarized. The site is an urban center located on the Rio Azul. The locality was occupied from at least 900 B.C. to ca. A.D. 800. Farming villages gave way ca. 150 B.C. to communities that built large platforms, and the urban center was established about A.D. 200. Rio Azul apparently was conquered by Tikal ca. A.D. 380 and became a frontier city and commercial center. Strong influence from Teotihuacan is indicated. A hiatus in the sixth century A.D. evidently represents a period of civil wars. Rio Azul was reoccupied and then overrun again in the ninth century by northern Maya groups. Once more reoccupied, it was finally abandoned ca. A.D. 880. Evidence for ancient cultural institutions also is summarized.

Stories involving the death of the sun and a subsequent revolt of objects against humans are variants of a common and ancient Native American myth, and it is argued that a number of art works from the Moche culture of the Peruvian north coast depict a variant of this myth. The “Revolt of the Objects” theme is part of a narrative sequence representing an important epic of the late Moche culture that is linked to other Moche art, larger symbolic concepts, and sociopolitical events. Now that simple diffusionistic explanations are no longer applicable, the occurrence of similar themes in myths and art throughout the Americas is a subject that should be reexamined.

Ethnographic observations of floor formation in an occupied and an abandoned Achuar jea dwelling structure are combined with contemporary taphonomic studies of swept and trampled surfaces. These studies suggest that refuse accumulation and incorporation are markedly different in food-preparation areas with ash deposits around fixed hearth features when compared to regularly trampled traffic areas of domestic earthen house floors. These points are examined in the horizontal and vertical analysis of highly fragmented bone remains in an Early Formative domestic house floor at the site of Real Alto, in the coastal lowlands of southwestern Ecuador. The food-preparation area of the Structure 1 house floor contained high concentrations of bone specimens characterized by their large size (over 25 mm), broad surface area, low bulk density, and greater total weight, vertically distributed throughout the ash matrix. The traffic area contained bone specimens characterized by their small size (under 25 mm), narrow surface area, high bulk density, and lower total weight, distributed unevenly in vertical profile. The horizontal distribution of fish bone only partially followed the observed pattern, as a proportionately greater amount of large fish bone was located in the traffic area. This analysis demonstrates the potential utility of bone refuse as a sensitive and reliable taphonomic indicator for inferential arguments regarding house-floor deposition.

The fall of the Early Postclassic capital of Chichen Itza is generally described in native chronicles as the result of a widespread revolt of native Yucatec Maya against the Itzá rulers of northern Yucatan. This historic event was the outcome of complex social, economic, and ecological processes that ultimately led to the weakening and dissolution of the Itzá polity. The historic legends that trace the fall of the Itzá are a superficial manifestation of deeper problems, which likely included tense relations with subjugated peoples, excess economic and human tribute, overpopulation, scarcities of land and agricultural resources, and possible climatological changes resulting in drought. The Itzá economy was linked to all these processes, but as they primarily were focused on the exploitation of coastal resources and long-distance trade, they failed to establish a viable economic system in the interior. This failure, coupled with the overexploitation of a declining social and economic resource base, led to the Itzá collapse. This essay presents a preliminary discussion of these processes.