During the U.S.-Mexican War (1846–1848), Mexican women published poems that tested the boundaries of conventional definitions of female subjectivity and domesticity. Central to the construction of female authorship was the idea of a collective women's voice, a “lyrical sisterhood” that situated the individual poetic voice within a broader historical tradition and a contemporaneous coalition of women writers. In speaking out about the war, women poets foregrounded their symbolic authority to exalt Mexican resistance to the invader, to decry Mexico's political and military failures, or to measure the horrors of war. In doing so, they self-consciously used gender to blur the distinction between the public and domestic spheres.

Apesar de alguns autores definirem “indigenismo” e “indianismo” como movimentos ideológicos de amplas proporções—definição compartilhada por indigenistas e indígenas, e por outros segmentos das sociedades nacionais com suas próprias agendas de proteção aos índios—o presente artigo questiona perspectivas estritamente nacionais do indigenismo/indianismo para reinterpretá-lo como uma filosofia social do colonialismo, que adquire a característica geral de ideologia e prática de dominação dos Estados nacionais latino-americanos, em particular no México e no Brasil. O argumento central é o fato de que “indigenismos” e “indianismos” quando observados sob as lentes dos processos latino-americanos deformação dos Estados e de construção nacional, compartilham do contexto da “colonialidade do poder” e, nesse sentido, podem ser interpretados como variações concomitantes de um processo histórico mais amplo de subordinação e potencial aniquilação da diversidade indígena do continente. Ao propor uma etnografia do indigenismo em perspectiva comparada, esse artigo promove uma melhor compreensão das variadas formas adquiridas pelo pensamento social e pela práxis política sobre os índios nas Américas, analisando até que ponto as transformações e movimentos do pensamento social e das ações indigenistas contemporâneas traduzem, de fato, rupturas mais do que continuidades com seu passado colonial. Trata-se de estudar o indigenismo e as políticas indigenistas como ponto de partida para melhor compreender os regimes de indianidade construídos no processo deformação dos Estados nacionais na América Latina e seus efeitos de poder sobre a etnicidade e formas de auto-determinação indígenas.

El Gran Chaco Argentino constituye la mayor extensión forestal y el más grande reservorio de biomasa del hemisferio sur extratropical. El sector situado al oeste de la isohieta de setecientos milímetros constituye el ambiente del Chaco Semiárido o Seco, ocupando sectores de las provincias de Salta, Chaco, Formosa, Santiago del Estero y Tucumán. Esta área del Chaco tiene una gran diversidad biológica y se caracteriza por un acelerado proceso de deforestación, en especial para la implantación del cultivo de soja. Concebido como un territorio vacío en términos demográficos, prevalece sobre el Chaco la idea de pobreza y marginalidad. Los cambios que están ocurriendo en los márgenes de este ambiente en relación con la expansión de la frontera agropecuaria, afecta a las poblaciones locales, transformando su dinámica demográfica. Este trabajo, por ello, trata de mostrar la magnitud de la deforestación y el impacto del avance de la frontera agropecuaria (especialmente del cultivo de soja) sobre la dinámica demográfica del área.

The Brazilian film director Jorge Furtado's O homem que copiava centers on two plots, both based on accepted social discourses: how to escape lower-middle-class poverty; and the perennial question of the obstacles to love. These two plots are intertwined when the love quest is made to depend on the former, that is, when success in love is predicated on success in social mobility. However, in making the film's protagonist black, Furtado inserts the question of race into these two discourses and highlights the discursive absence of race in dealing with the problems of poverty and race relations. The film underscores the role of education and the discursive implications of social representation in excluding marginalized groups from social mobility while exploring the underside of the mestiçagem myth, the role of race in the question of national identity.

Costa Rica es un país que de manera sistemática ha mostrado altos niveles de satisfacción de vida a pesar de que su ingreso per cápita no es alto. Datos recientes de la encuesta Gallup del 2008, la cual se hace en más de 140 países del planeta, muestran que los costarricenses tienen la satisfacción de vida más alta del mundo. Esta investigación sigue un enfoque de dominios de vida para entender la satisfacción de vida de los costarricenses y plantea que la satisfacción de vida es el resultado de la satisfacción personal en cada una de las diferentes facetas o áreas concretas donde se ejerce como ser humano. La investigación muestra que el ingreso, aunque estadísticamente significante, no es determinante de la satisfacción económica, y que la satisfacción económica no determina la satisfacción de vida. La investigación concluye que para los costarricenses el nivel de vida es solo uno de los aspectos que influyen en su satisfacción de vida; por ello, su satisfacción de vida es muy alta a pesar de que su ingreso per cápita es comparativamente bajo.

The tradition of intermediaries negotiating conflicts between Indigenous and Western worlds in Latin America can be traced back to the colonial period. Beginning in the middle of the nineteenth century, semiprofessional or petty lawyers known as tinterillos assumed a seemingly ubiquitous presence in rural communities in Ecuador. Often local elites with some education, tinterillos commanded respect among their largely nonliterate Indigenous neighbors because of their ability to read, write, and handle documents. These intermediaries commonly exploited their privileged position for their own economic, social, and political benefit. Nevertheless, Indigenous peoples came to rely on tinterillos to petition the government and to challenge landholder abuses. On occasion, rather than feeling disempowered or victimized, Indigenous peoples learned to negotiate these relationships to their advantage. Tinterillos provide a convenient medium through which to examine how power relations were negotiated between different cultures and across deep class divides.

This article examines nineteenth-century citations of Silvestre de Balboa Troya y Quesada's Espejo de paciencia (1608, 1838) in Cuban histories and literary anthologies of that period. Although contemporary scholars reference these citations in their study of Espejo, they have not questioned the treatment of Salvador Golomón, the poem's enslaved epic hero, in these texts. Doing so not only elucidates concerns regarding race in Cuban nation building reflected in the trajectory of the nineteenth-century citations of the poem but also places race at the very center of any discussion of Espejo's historical and literary authenticity by contemporary critics and scholars alike.

Carmen Sobalvarro (Nicaragua, 1908–194?), widely known during the 1930s as General Augusto Sandino's “platonic” girlfriend, was the only female poet officially admitted into the Nicaraguan vanguard movement. Despite her significance to Nicaraguan politics and letters, until recently she has been virtually forgotten. In crafting her public persona, Sobalvarro combined traditional and modern stereotypes of womanhood, thus providing Central Americans with a viable model of women in literature and politics. Through her poetry and image, she also shored up the romantic notion of Sandino as a valiant general deserving of international respect and adoration, especially among female followers. In these ways, the poet serves as a significant case study of the cultural anxieties surrounding changing gender roles upon the arrival of the “modern” woman and a growing women's movement in Nicaragua.

Job-market discrimination research in the United States and Europe measures discrimination by a majority against racial minorities, discrimination that stems from historical patterns of inequality and privilege. Chilean researchers have applied these models to study class-based discrimination, finding some evidence to support its existence. Their innovative methods make race as well as class visible, and contradictions in their work show racial differences among Chileans. This research note highlights the interesting research from a new generation of labor economists who have simultaneously pushed the sanctioned limits of social debate and reaffirmed dominant explanations of inequality. Critical race theory is useful for making sense of the contradictions in their work and, it is argued, can improve the quality of Chilean social science research so as to reach a more accurate and self-reflective understanding of the sources and effects of inequality in Chile.