The latest period of expansion in the international economy has been characterised by the liberalisation of capital movements, the deregulation of major financial markets and the spread of neo-liberal beliefs in the merits of open and competitive trade, the disadvantages of big government and protectionist policies (Hirst, 1997). The rapid advancement of information and communication technology and the growth of knowledge-based economy have led to the gradual replacement of the conventional resource-based economies. ‘A techno-economic paradigm of information and communications technology and the knowledge-based economy has created a new knowledge-elite class that favours free markets in this post-industrial society, characterized by globalization, decentralization, deregulation and privatization’ (Low, 2003: 30–31).

The papers in the themed section emerge from the work of the ESRC Research Group on Care, Values and the Future of Welfare (CAVA), based at the University of Leeds. CAVA was funded from 1999 to undertake a five-year programme of research into changes in parenting and partnering in Britain and their implications for future social policies. At the heart of CAVA's research is an investigation into the values that people attach to their parenting and partnering activities. We are interested in ‘what matters’ to people in their family lives and personal relationships, especially as they undergo change. This question lay at the centre of our core empirical projects, all of which were based on in-depth qualitative research. (An account of our methodology may be found in the Appendix to this Introduction). The projects focused on different aspects of change: motherhood, care and employment; kin relationships after divorce; care and commitments in transnational families; practices of care and intimacy amongst those who live without a co-resident partner; and collective values of care and support in self-help groups, voluntary organisations and trade unions. Each of these projects is represented in the following collection.

‘Individualisation’ did not enter German social policy debates until the end of the 1980s. Mainstream feminists argued first in favour of individualised benefits for women, and labour market individualisation, for women as well as for men, now scores high on the German social policy agenda. Benefits and other provisions are being increasingly (re-)designed in the expectation that both men and women in households will be employed. This article briefly examines the original meaning of individualisation and the way in which it was transformed in the influential writings of Ulrich Beck and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim. It then argues that the current social policy reforms in Germany reveal ambiguities in respect of individualisation which were debated in the earlier sociological literature.

Older workers have moved up the policy agenda within the industrialised nations. In the 1980s and first half of the 1990s, policy-making in much of the European Union emphasised the virtues of early retirement, partly as a response to high levels of unemployment. Since the late 1990s, there has been an increasing emphasis on overcoming age barriers in the labour market and on extending working life. This has been driven by concerns over ageing and shrinking labour forces, the sustainability of public pension systems, evidence of age discrimination in the labour market and the potential influence of the ‘grey’ voter. By contrast in the USA, the pronounced trend towards ‘early exit’ which has characterised Europe never existed. This is even more the case in Japan.

This article evaluates recent transformations in social policy that reflect the tendency towards individualisation in The Netherlands. Such transformations have taken place in old age pensions, widows' pensions, social assistance and taxation, and in respect of child support following divorce. Interestingly most reforms have not resulted in ‘full individualisation’, but rather have taken into account the fact that people, in particular women, are not or cannot be assumed to be full-time adult workers. Such a ‘moderate individualisation’, however, is not without risks for women's economic independence, especially when the developments of the Dutch ‘life course perspective’ on social security are considered.

The assumption of individualised rationality runs through the two dominant theorisations of family behaviour – new household economics and individualisation. We demonstrate the inaccuracy of this assumption, using the results of two CAVA projects into mothers' perceptions and choices in combining mothering with paid work, in allocating tasks with partners, and in choosing childcare. Rather, mothers make such decisions within socially negotiated accounts of what is morally adequate, and we go on to show how these decisions and the values informing them are socially patterned by class and ethnicity. Finally, we consider how both theory and policy can make a ‘rationality mistake’ in neglecting the importance of social ties and moral responsibilities in family life.

The article will examine the latest development of China's urban social assistance reform. Under the impact of the dual processes of globalisation and the deepening market transition, China's social security reform is increasingly taking a new safety net approach to assist the urban poor, instead of relying mainly on social insurance provision. The minimum living security project for urban residents is one of the approaches supplementing social insurance in social protection. In 2002, about one-third of social security beneficiaries were supported by the newly developed social assistance project. The changing approach does not mean that the government is withdrawing from its responsibility for social insurance to the urban workers, but reflects the changing goals and means of social policies. This indicates that China's social welfare system is shifting towards a new residual welfare model.

In response to the ageing and shrinking of the working-age population, the European Union has agreed ambitious goals for raising the employment rate and the exit age of older workers. This article traces the development of EU policy approaches and presents EU-15 figures on the state of affairs. Progress so far has been modest, but EU policies are expected to facilitate the emergence of better regimes of age management within Member States. In turn, this will help Europe move towards its employment targets for the working population aged 55 to 64 years.

Hong Kong has a liberal economy, and its welfare regime relies, first, on income through employment and, second, on support provided by family and community members. Although the government has strategically invested in certain social services, generally speaking, its aid is intended to be a secondary, if not the last resort. This system was effective when Hong Kong benefited from globalisation, enjoyed virtually full employment in the decades preceding the mid-1990s. However, the changes in capital flow and increasing capital relocation to Mainland China have had a negative impact on employment. As a result, the current welfare regime is unsustainable. The neo-liberal ideologies adopted by the government have only led to further social polarisation and instability. It is time for an approach that combines balanced development with broader social support.

The main argument of this paper is that retirement will retain its importance over the next few decades, despite pressure from governments to encourage workers to delay leaving paid employment. Retirement may prove especially difficult to reverse among the ‘baby boom’ cohorts where an expectation of withdrawing from work at earlier ages has become entrenched. The article examines the policy context influencing current debates. It then reviews data on retirement attitudes and trends in the employment of older workers. The paper concludes by arguing for a ‘broadening’ in the social institution of retirement, with the development of new types of social engagement in formal as well as informal spheres of activity.

This paper addresses the question of how families are changing in the context of transformed policies on divorce in England and Wales. However, rather than painting a picture of change through the use of statistical data, the argument will be based on qualitative data which focuses on the interiority of family and kin relationships and on the principles and reasonings that individuals give for their actions. This provides more of a ground-up perspective on social change, and prioritises the actions of parents, grandparents and children rather than focusing on the consequences of policies. It is argued that we need to recognise that the changing nature of family life pushes people to negotiate new moral codes or principles, and that this in turn is generating new ways of ‘doing’ post-divorce family life.

As means-tested benefits have come to occupy a more central place in the UK system of income transfers, so the goal of an individualised system seems to have receded. However, there is also a developing policy interest in the situation and status of the individual in the social welfare system. Individual assessment of labour market circumstances is central to the New Deal programmes, and the ‘partners’ of those receiving social security benefits have become a target group for policy in their own right. This article outlines the policy issues, describes the measures that have been introduced so far, compares these with the Australian moves towards ‘partial individualisation’, and discusses some key issues in the reform agenda.

The need to extend working life is being increasingly emphasised in policy debates in the developed economies. Recent years have seen the emergence of new policies on work on retirement aimed at closing off ‘early exit’ pathways and promoting the employment of older workers. This article summarises recent developments in selected countries, concluding that the effectiveness of policy making to date is difficult to gauge, that as yet, it lacks the necessary sophistication and that, as a consequence, it may not provide appropriate pathways for older workers or employers.

This paper sets out an argument for the re-imagining of care in social policy on three interrelated grounds: epistemological–theoretical, substantive socio-historical, and normative political–philosophical. It takes up the epistemological challenge offered by queer theory to propose a different gaze be cast on care which recognizes the practices of care which take place outside normative heterosexual couples and families. Following on from this, it suggests that the care that has been the object of study in social policy has failed to keep up with transformations in the realm of sociability which characterize the contemporary world. It outlines findings of research which show the increasing importance of friendship to those at the cutting edge of processes of individualization. Finally, it points to the new and valuable lens that the study of caring practices of friends might cast on the ethics of care, and it ends with some pointers to what it might mean for social policy to take friendship seriously.

Within the European Union (EU) policy framework, individualisation is cast in terms of self-sufficiency and independence, and coupled to the market activation of all individuals and groups. How will this model be translated into European societies with different histories, policy environments and political actors? I analyse how an individualised system of benefits emerged in Sweden and was anchored in the broader social policy model and discourse of participation parity. Using the Swedish example, I map out the differences between individualisation, participation parity and gender equity, each representing models with different policy goals and outcomes. In the final section of the article, I focus on retrenchment and restructuring in the Swedish welfare state and its impact on the gender participatory model.

The crisis and dissonance in a society under globalisation tend to be associated with suspicion against the welfare state. This article however attempts to argue for the crucial role of the welfare state in the formation of the politics of welfare that shapes a basic framework for a policy response to changes in the welfare society. The discussion sets out by illustrating the impacts of globalisation in contemporary Japan with special reference to the change in family and working practices. It goes on to analyse the current policy debates regarding socialisation of care in which ideological conflicts are manifested. Despite growing vulnerability of the family in Japan's ageing society, informal care-giving work tends to be undervalued and the stigma attached to the welfare state regarding elderly care and public assistance is persistent. It will be discussed how the long-run welfare reforms, as efforts of policy change, can be made sense of in Japan for escaping from a vicious circle of crisis and dissonance.

This article explores the meaning of ‘the visit’ to Pakistan by a sample of people living in the North of England, with relatives in Pakistan. It argues that the visit has a particular symbolic and practical significance in the maintenance of transnational kin relationships. Visiting involves travelling and ‘co-presence’ with people, as well as in a place – in this case, Pakistan. It is particularly important in the process of ‘knowing’ one's geographically distant relatives, and in ‘doing things together’ and ‘being there at key moments’. These elements are woven together with other ways of keeping in touch in between visits, and help to sustain family narratives of ‘the regular visit’ and the kinship network that is active over distances and over time. The visit was also important in helping to confirm a sense of belonging or affinity with Pakistan, even though for many in the study England was seen as home. However, visiting involves complex and sometimes difficult sets of negotiations and decisions about propriety, morality, exchange, and belonging in transnational kin relationships.

Despite an ageing work force and the impending retirement of millions of baby boomers that could lead to serious labour, skills, and occupational shortages, older workers are not high on the policy agenda in the United States. Nonetheless, labour force participation rates for the older population have been rising, and public opinion polls reveal a sizeable demand for post-retirement employment. The challenge lies in meeting that demand and fostering longer worklives on the part of even more older Americans. A substantial public policy response is by no means certain, although raising the retirement age is likely to feature prominently in the debate on Social Security reform.

This paper explicates the welfare reforms executed in Korea after the abrupt financial meltdown in November 1997, and asks whether the same line of reforms will continue further into the twenty-first century Korea. The DJ government's post-crisis policy choice was to persue an expansion and consolidation of the social welfare system based upon the principle of solidarity. Consequently, the size of social welfare expenditure grew fast between 1996 and 1999. Korean experience of post-crisis years demonstrates the case in which the global integration of economy brought about the fast expansion of social welfare programs. The ultimate question is will this growth continue in the sea of neo-liberal challenges, with the new government's ‘Participatory Welfare’ whose complete design is not made public yet.