The above text is published by G. Manganaro in his valuable and well-illustrated corpus of the inscriptions of the Milesian islands. The stone on which it is inscribed was dug up in a garden on the island of Lipsous (ancient Lepsia) in 1956 and studied by Manganaro on his visit there in 1962. The inscription, of late date, is cut at the foot of a grave stele, of whose sculptured relief surface the lesser portion survives with the lower part of a standing woman and seated man facing one another. The lettering is poor and shallow; and, to judge by the photograph in fig. 22, the text leaves a good deal of room for conjecture.

Manganaro's restoration is full of interest. In explanation he says: ‘The dead woman was buried by her father, who perhaps killed her, notwithstanding her many lamentations (συμβο(ά)-σασαν πολλά), in a ravine or valley into which he had thrown her. The reason? Her desertion of her husband Apollodorus, toward whom the lady must have cherished an aversion (ἐκ δυσμενυίας) At the age of forty, in the splendour of her youthful prime, she, the sacrificer (θύτρια), found her tomb (βωμόσ).’

Pausanias x. 26. 2: γεγραμμέναι δὲ ἐπι κλίνης ὑπὲρ ταύτας Δηινόμη τε καὶ Μητιόχη καὶ Πεῖσίς ἐστι καὶ Κλεοδίκη. ‘Painted on a couch above these are Deinome and Metioche and Peisis too and Kleodike.’

In Polygnotus’ Troy Taken, painted in the Lesche of the Cnidians at Delphi, this group formed part of the Trojan prisoners, shown between the wall of the city and the sea. ταύτας refers to another group (Klymene, Kreousa, Aristomache, and Xenodike) who are described as being above the women between Aithra and Nestor: Andromache with her child, Medesikaste, and Polyxena. These were certainly at the bottom of the picture; Deinome, Metioche, Peisis, and Kleodike certainly at the top. ἐπὶ κλίνης is unconvincing in the context. Most editors and translators accept it without comment, but Frazer's translation, ‘sitting on a couch’ underlines a minor difficulty: four on a couch is hard to envisage in terms of Greek life or art; and though the σχῆμα Πινδαρικόν does not make for clarity, it seems impossible to confine the phrase to the first one or two names. The reading, however, is unacceptable on other grounds, as Carl Robert has shown: this is the open air and these are prisoners of war; a κλίνη is entirely out of place. Polygnotan art was certainly not fully naturalistic, and included much that had a symbolic not a literal reference; but a couch is as improper in this context symbolically as naturally. In Polygnotus' other picture in the Lesche, the Underworld, Theseus and Peirithoos, and in another part Pelias, were shown seated on θρόνοι, while other figures sat on rocks or hillocks or leaned against trees; but the spatial and temporal setting of the Underworld was certainly (and naturally) less defined than that of the Troy. Robert tentatively suggests ἐπικλινής, translating ‘in gebückter Haltung’, but admits that the word has poor authority as applied to persons, and that to force it on this author in this sense is hardly justified.

These tantalizing fragments of an Assessment List present two unusual features. First the figures stand to the right of the names and are divided from them by two-point punctuation. This recalls the practice of the first Quota List. All later Quota Lists and the Assessments of 425 and 422 B.C. have the figures before the names and punctuation of any sort is extremely rare. Secondly there are several ionicisms in the script: two etas in col. iii. 3 and 5 and an Ionic lambda in the latter line. Meritt argued from the physical evidence of the stone that the Island column stood first. The order of districts was presumably Islands, Ionia, Hellespont and Thrace—which seems to have been invariable from 425 B.C.—and the ATL editors accordingly disposed the Hellespontine names in col. iii and placed some probable Ionic names in col. ii. Otherwise they attempted no restoration. Perhaps they were deterred by finding one new name among the very few preserved. Some speculation, however, about the Ionic panel seems legitimate.

The letters -ΕΝΙ- (line 7) could be part of Κλαӡομένιοι, Θερμαῑοι ἐν ʾΙκάρῳ, or Οἰναῑοι ἐν ʾΙκάρῳ as Meritt rightly observed. But what can be made of the remnants—ΚΟ!!!—in line 4? At first sight they baffle conjecture. The last stroke is preserved only at the base and Meritt noted that it might form a letter with the preceding upright.

Two fragments of relief, one in the British Museum, the other in the British School at Athens, have been found to adjoin.

The first piece is British Museum 814 (Plate 1). Museum Marbles ix (1842) 172 f., pl. 38. 2; A. H. Smith, BMC Sculpt, i (1892) 373; Furtwängler, Sammlung Sabouroff, text to pl. XXVI; Reisch, Griechische Weihgeschenke 50; Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings 177; W. H. Hyde, Olympic Victor Monuments (1921) 268; Rizzo, Bolletino d'Arte viii (1938) 348, fig. 25; C. C. Vermeule III, JHS lxxv (1955) 105, fig. 5.

Provenance, Athens. H. 0·70 m., W. 0·82 m., Th. 0·08 m., Depth of relief 0·03 m. Broken left and below. Above and to the right is a narrow frame of peculiar type, which comprises a flat fillet with chamfered inner margin, forming a mitred joint in the upper right corner. The marble is of fine and even crystal with a definite golden-brown patina, and is therefore likely to be Pentelic. The surface is generally very worn, and some higher features, such as the horses' heads, the face of the charioteer, and the nearside of the Nike above, are completely obliterated. Besides this, a calcareous deposit, mentioned in Museum Marbles as having damaged the stone, has at some time been lightly chiselled away. Hence the coarse appearance of, for example, the upper right corner of the frame, the background to the right of the charioteer, and the area in front of Nike's head.

The scene shows a four-horse chariot travelling at speed to the left, driven by a charioteer dressed in the usual long, sleeveless chiton, which swirls back in the wind.

While engaged in the study of pottery in the apothekai of the Stratigraphical Museum at Knossos in 1962, M. R. Popham discovered two boxes containing eighty-one fragments of clay sealings and five worn and damaged sealstones.

The sealstones and sixty-seven of the sealings, those bearing distinguishable impressions, are published in this catalogue. The other fourteen fragments have been omitted; and of those published no photographs are provided here because the material will, it is hoped, appear fully in the volumes of the Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel devoted to the Herakleion Museum collection. The present catalogue is intended as an interim publication and, in particular, as a subscript to M. A. V. Gill's account of the Knossos sealings and their provenience.

Of the two boxes in which this material was rediscovered the first came from an apotheke which housed pottery from the Domestic Quarter of the Palace. It contained the sealstones and forty-two of the sealing fragments (nos. I to V and 1 to 42 below). The second containing twenty-five of the sealing fragments (nos. 43 to 67 below) came from an apotheke just north of the Throne Room with pottery originating from the West Quarter of the Palace. Unfortunately the pottery in the apothekai is not an infallible guide to the original provenience of these sealstones and sealings. A few of the latter are duplicated by sealings in the Herakleion Museum of known provenience at Knossos or may be identified as from a particular deposit because a sketch of them appears in Evans's notebooks and/or because they are listed in The Palace of Minos. In fact the evidence tends to suggest that these sealings came from widely scattered proveniences both inside and outside the Palace (cf. BSA lx (1965) 60, and in particular comments on 1, 12, 17, 20, 28, 33, 51, and 52 below).

With the idea of drawing attention to the fact that the whole of Crete including the most westerly parts had been occupied during every phase of the Minoan Bronze Age, if not earlier in Neolithic times, I recently listed sites of those periods known to me or reported by others in the province of Khania. Between 27 and 30 April 1966, my wife and I visited two areas on the south-west coast of the island (Fig. 1) where no Bronze Age sites appear to have been noted. These were (A) west of Palaiokhora (Fig. 2), and (B) between Sfakia and Frangokastelli (Fig. 3). Two small Minoan settlements were identified near the sea in area (A), and scattered traces of Minoan occupation in (B). The pottery seemed to reflect occupation during the flourishing period of the Minoan civilization between Middle Minoan I and Late Minoan I rather than earlier or later. The most westerly site visited (A. 7) might yield to excavation an interesting picture of what a small Minoan settlement in a remote area was like. In addition to the Minoan, a number of later, Greek and Roman, sites were observed. The most important of the Roman sites is B. 7 in the middle of the plain by Frangokastelli with substantial remains of an early Christian basilica church.

Mr. R. W. Hutchinson excavated the Geometric tombs at Khaniale Tekke near Knossos in 1940. He published an account of the excavation and the material from the reused tholos (Tomb 2) in BSA xlix (1954) 215 ff. The publication in this article will often be cited below, by italicized references only. He described the finds from a chamber tomb (Tomb 1; to the right in p. 215, fig. 1). The finds from a third tomb, north of the tholos and mentioned on pp. 223 ƒ., were not available for study at that time, but were later identified, part in a storeroom at Knossos, part in Heraklion Museum, and Mr. Hutchinson kindly invited me to prepare the publication of them. Since 1954 the full publication of the Fortetsa cemetery has appeared, as well as other studies of relevant finds in the Knossos area. These prompt a reconsideration of the finds already published, especially the important gold jewellery. I have taken this opportunity to review the evidence with some supplementary photographs. St. Alexiou, Ephor of Antiquities, has kindly allowed me to study again the finds displayed in Heraklion Museum.

The contents of Tomb 1 were listed briefly on pp. 215 ƒ. They cannot now certainly be identified, but some of the pottery may have become confused with that from Tomb 3, published below. The dromos of the tholos, Tomb 2, was cut across by later burials. From one are reported an amphora (p. 224, no.23) and a lekythos of Cypriot form (possibly one of those published, pl. 26 top). Another held a wine amphora and a white-ground lekythos—fifth-century. And a third contained a pedestalled cothon with lid (no. 94). The last is in Heraklion, and is a plain plemochoe on a high flaring base.

In my recent book Epirus, published in June 1967, I have dealt with the finds from the tumuli of North Epirus at Vajzë, Vodhinë, Bodrishtë, and Kakavi which were excavated in 1954 and 1955 and reported in Albanian in the Buletin per Shkencat Shoquërore (referred to hereafter as BUSS) 1956, 1. 180 ff.; 1957, 2. 76 ff.; and 1959, 2. 190 ff. It was in 1963 that I first heard of this journal and late in 1964 that I obtained an offprint of the Vajzë report through the kindness of the excavator, Professor Frano Prendi. He dated the tumuli and their contents to the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age and to the early centuries of the Iron Age, but I have advanced the view in my book that the earliest of these tumuli and the earliest burials in such tumuli date to the Middle Helladic period. When this went to press in December 1964, I was able to publish also a few objects from the tumuli of the Mati valley which were illustrated in the same journal for 1955, and appeared to be of Middle Helladic date but had been dated by the excavator to the end of the Bronze Age at the earliest. Late in 1965 I was sent by Professor Frano Prendi a copy of a new Albanian periodical Studia Albanica, no. i of 1964. Here the same dates were given for the tumuli of North Epirus and of the Mati valley but reference was made for the first time in my experience to a Middle Helladic dating of tumuli and of objects which had been found at Pazhok. This material was too late to be included in my book. As the evidence at Pazhok is conclusive for the Middle Helladic dating, I give a summary of the brief report, which this time was in French, and I reproduce the illustrations which were not of a high standard. The reports of all these excavations have escaped the notice of scholars in the western countries, so far as I am aware. The Pazhok report runs as follows (with my numbering of paragraphs and a few comments).

In his basic and indispensable study Mycenaean Pottery from the Levant, published in 1951, Stubbings pointed out that it is only by cross-contacts with the civilizations of the Middle East that any absolute dating for the Aegean Bronze Age can be reached. It is, therefore, rather startling to find that since the diffusion of the Furumark concept and his monumental typology, Mycenaean pottery is itself often used as the cultural cross-contact to date levels at sites in the Middle East where the local pottery has, as yet, a less accessible typology, and where Egyptian dated finds or seals from Syria and Mesopotamia, however abundant, often have to be mistrusted for dating, as they provide too wide a margin in time.

The present attempt to locate and assess some of the recent Mycenaean contacts is unevenly representative, since much of the material from new excavations was not available for study, and I had to leave the Middle East before I had finished my notes. These were made at intervals between June 1962 and April 1966, when I visited most of the Late Bronze Age sites in the Antioch district of Turkey, in Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan and saw the Mycenaean pottery in the museums. I did not see recent finds from Egypt or Israel.

Whether it was caused by enemy action or by earthquake, the destruction of the houses outside the walls at Mycenae, particularly the group beside the modern road, south of the Tomb of Clytemnestra, has left a unique collection of pottery. For the Clytemnestra group at least it is a reasonable hypothesis, which the pottery and tablets do much to support, that the houses were destroyed in a single disaster. Though relatively complete publications of the several buildings in this area have already appeared, the pottery has not been published in detail nor considered as a whole. In this article it is intended to consider solely the evidence which this material gives for the definition of a period in the development of the pottery of Mycenae. This material consists entirely of whole or restorable vases and in this and other respects it is complementary to the group of fragments from the Prehistoric Cemetery (Central), published in the preceding article in this series, which illustrates the same or perhaps a slightly earlier phase.

Four major buildings were excavated in the area: the House of Shields, the House of the Oil Merchant, the West House, and the House of Sphinxes Fig. 1. Very little pottery was found in the House of Shields but in each of the others there was a considerable number of vases both painted and unpainted.

In the Stratigraphical Museum at Knossos the material preserved from the excavations of Cists 2 to 6 in Magazine XIII consists largely of fragments of unfinished stone vases and waste pieces from the manufacture of stone vases. The material is all gypsum and is what remains of a gypsum vase-maker's workshop. No account of it has previously been given, though one ‘trial piece’ that almost certainly belonged with it was published by Evans because he believed it bore a Linear A inscription (see below). The present article publishes the material and discusses two questions arising from it, namely the additional information the workshop provides in relation to that of other Cretan stone vase workshops, and the relation between the workshop and gypsum stone vases.

In the Museum at Rethymnon there is a Minoan clay idol (Mus. No. 22) of the type of the goddess with uplifted hands. This comes from the village of Sakhtouria in the eparchy of Ayios Vassilios in the Rethymna nome.

The idol is 33·3 cm. high, with the base 9·2 cm. in diameter. The space between the arms at its widest extent measures 33 cm. The left arm and both the hands are missing, together with parts of the chest, neck, jaw, nose, crown of the head, and base. The missing sections have been restored in plaster, except for the hands and parts of the jaw and nose (Plate 41, a, b). The idol is hollow inside, and the lower part of the trunk is tubular with a narrow splayed border round the bottom (Plate 42, a). A splayed base of this type is a regular feature of Late Helladic clay figurines.

The eyes are indicated by slight bulges, and the eyebrows by single curving lines in relief which extend down the sides of the cheeks as far as the jaw and strongly emphasize it (Plate 42, b). The ears are represented by means of a boldly rendered nearly circular fillet in relief (Plate 43, a, b). The crown of the head is filletted, but there are no traces of any attachments for ornaments or sacred symbols, and the hair must have been rendered in paint to judge from the traces of black on the back part of the head immediately below the crown. The features of the face are expressed in generalized but vigorous terms. The face is markedly triangular in shape.

According to the generally accepted view the type of the goddess with uplifted hands first appeared in Crete at the beginning of the Late Minoan IIIB period. In 1958 Professor Doro Levi excavated a Minoan villa near Gortyna, and came upon a shrine there with idols of this type which he assigned on a basis of the pottery recovered to Late Minoan I. The question of the early appearance of the type was thus revived.

In a useful study, M. C. Llinas has made some important contributions to our knowledge of the stoa at Perachora, and has devoted further attention to the problems of that interesting but sometimes enigmatic building. In the last section of his paper, however, he attributes to one of the stoa pediments a fragmentary tympanum block, and on the strength of the cutting in it he has proposed a roof structure quite abnormal in a stoa. It is his restoration of the roof which provokes these few remarks, for although the Greeks were sometimes lavish in their use of roofing timbers, their structures were not as a rule illogical.

M. Llinas proposes a Gaggera roof with three or four heavy purlins, c. 0·20 × 0·30 m. in section and centred c. 0·67 m. apart on either side of a ridge beam (cf. Fig. 1, a). Support for these beams was presumably provided from a cross-beam at every pier of the upper colonnade (intercolumniation 2·30 m.); for since all the piers were of uniform strength, there would be no advantage in cross-beams spaced further apart. Now purlins 0·30 m. high seem unreasonably large to be supported every 2·30 m.

The long dagger is the most common type of copper object found in the tombs of the Early Bronze Age in Crete, perhaps because each man was buried with his dagger beside him. One hundred and sixty-one long daggers of Minoan manufacture have been discovered in Early Minoan deposits. That is rather more than one-third of all the E.M. copper objects yet found. Two-thirds of these daggers were found in or around the Mesara plain of southern Crete, and five of the blades were found in Cyprus. Only seven of the daggers were found in settlement sites, the rest came from tombs. The long daggers may be divided into fourteen major types.

My drawing (Fig. 1) shows a tentative restoration of tomb S 201 at Cyrene, and Fig. 2 its plan. In Cassels's catalogue of the Cyrene tombs, which recognizes its importance, it is described simply as a built rectangular tomb and marked as such on his map. My investigations suggest that it is rather more complicated, and belongs to a specialized class of tomb of considerable architectural interest.

The present condition of the tomb can be seen in Plate 44, a. Part of the walling is still upright, but most of the superstructure has collapsed, encumbering the ruins. This, together with the very short time at my disposal, made it impossible to carry out a complete investigation, which would require clearing the tomb and arranging the various fallen blocks accessibly. Nevertheless the tomb is important enough to deserve a study based on the information available, even though, inevitably, some of the details will have to remain conjectural.

The tomb comprises a rectangular forecourt excavated into the rock, which here forms a virtually level ground surface, and a rock-cut chamber opening off its north-west side. This is the normal practice at Cyrene when rock-cut tombs are constructed on the level parts of the plateau. I could not take full measurements of the court; its width is a little under 12 metres, other details being obscured by fallen masonry and silt.

The tholos tomb on the Kephala ridge near Knossos, which R. W. Hutchinson excavated in December 1938, contained in the fill several deposits of skeletal remains and of L.M. IIIC pottery. These belong to a period long after that of the construction and original use of the tomb, which Hutchinson dates to L.M. IA. In his report he describes the bone deposits and mentions and illustrates some of the pots. V. Desborough, who was one of Hutchinson's assistants in the excavation, has discussed briefly more of the L.M. IIIC pottery, but it has never been published in full. So, when Vronwy Hankey, Hutchinson's other assistant, recently produced her fieldnotes and Hutchinson's catalogue of the whole or nearly whole pots, M. Popham suggested that, with the excavator's permission, I should publish the pots listed in the catalogue—the publication of more L.M. IIIB and C pottery being an urgent need in Minoan archaeology.

The original catalogue records seventeen pots, of which two are missing (5, a conical cup, and 7, a deep bowl); to these has been added 18, a coarse-ware bowl, restored but not hitherto catalogued. From the catalogue and from Vronwy Hankey's notes it has been possible to place most of the pots approximately in their find-spots and relate some with the various secondary burials in the tomb. The excavation report gives five L.M. IIIC deposits inside the chamber: three bone deposits at less than a metre's depth below the datum, with which no pots can be associated, although the stirrup-jar 1, which is typologically late, was found just below this level; lower still were the plain deep bowl 4 and the krateriskos 14, perhaps to be associated with the fourth deposit of two skulls close together in the area of shaft grave δ between 1·0 and 1·70 m. below the datum. At about the same depth the deep bowl 11 was found near the entrance.

Cet article continue ceux que J. Chadwick et J. T. Killen ont publiés dans BSA lvii. 46–74 et lviii. 68–88; dans l'ensemble, les mêmes règles d'édition ont été observées: elles ont toutefois été mises en accord avec celles de la troisième édition en translittération des tablettes de Cnossos; une innovation a été introduite: l'indication du scribe auquel est éventuellement attribuée la rédaction du document; enfin, si les photos des tablettes données dans les planches sont à l'échelle 1:1, les dessins au trait dans le texte sont, eux, à l'échelle 2:3.

Toutes les tablettes et fragments de tablettes (numérotés de 8334 à 8751) dont il sera question se trouvent à présent au Musée archéologique d'Iraklion et proviennent, à une exception près (Wb 8711), des fouilles d'Evans, mais ont connu des fortunes diverses.

Les pièces portant actuellement les numéros 8334–8492, 8501–8571, 8573–8708 et 8722–8751 étaient conservées au Musée d'Iraklion dans des tiroirs étiquetés tiroirs que J. T. Killen avait déjà partiellement exploités. La plupart de ces 396 pièces n'avaient jamais été éditées auparavant; la plupart seulement, car 49 d'entre elles se sont révélées être des fragments de la série des 5000, qui avaient été copiés par E. L. Bennett en 1950 mais qui s'étaient égarés depuis.

CES raccords, effectués entre juillet et novembre 1965, concernent 75 tablettes.

Leur publication fait suite à celle des 388 raccords qui avaient été trouvés entre l'achèvement de la troisième édition en translittération des tablettes de Cnossos et mars 1965.

La plupart de ces raccords sont l'œuvre de l'auteur de ces lignes; 150 + 7624, 193 + 7361, 8031 + 80331, (4440+) 8700 + 8702 sont de E. L. Bennett.

29 de ces raccords ont eu lieu entre des fragments précédemment édités, 35 entre des fragments édités et des fragments en cours d'édition (et ayant, à ce titre, reçu un numéro d'ordre compris entre 8334 et 8751), 27 entre des fragments édités et des fragments inédits (ces derniers n'ont pas reçu de numéro d'ordre et ont simplement été appelés fr. [frr. au pluriel: en fait, jamais plus de deux]).

It is some time since the development of Late Minoan pottery has been considered as a whole and adequately illustrated. In many respects, Mackeprang's account, published nearly thirty years ago, still remains the most concise, readable, and well-illustrated summary of the subject; but it is limited to the Late Minoan III period and, inevitably, is now in need of revision.

It seems worth while, therefore, despite the still serious gaps in our knowledge, to attempt to give a general outline of Late Minoan pottery, taking the opportunity both to include illustrations of new material where this is appropriate and to revise and augment the charts of characteristic motives given by Pendlebury. The purpose of this article does not go beyond giving a very broad account; it is not a detailed analysis though such a study is indeed required.

Should there be a discernible Knossian bias in this article, it may be due partly to the author's work having been largely centred there and partly to his belief that, in several stages of the pottery of the island, it was Knossos which set the standard.

The pottery of the end of the Middle Minoan period is, in general, dull and uninteresting. The impetus which led to the technical and artistic achievement of Middle Minoan II seems to have exhausted itself. At Knossos, the Palace suffered a catastrophe, the result of an earthquake as Evans thought, though the widespread signs of fire could well indicate attack and deliberate destruction. Large deposits of pottery of this period were found there: they are characterized by masses of ill-made table ware, mostly undecorated, and by badly proportioned large vases. Decoration consists for the most part of a roughly executed ripple pattern or a solid black glaze occasionally relieved by a spiral or other motive in white paint. Elsewhere in Crete the picture is much the same; the pottery is poor in standard and there is a suggestion of sterility.

About 10 metres south-west of the sixth-century temple of Hera Akraia at Perachora, and nearly due west of the little harbour lies the small courtyard previously known as the ‘Agora’. Since its purpose is not known, it will here be non-committally referred to as the West Court. It was first excavated in 1932, and more fully, under the supervision of J. K. Brock, in 1933, but it was not entirely cleared until 1939, and it was at that time that the Roman house which stood in the middle of the court was demolished. The West Court is discussed briefly (under the name of ‘Agora’) in Perachora 1 and in the preliminary reports of the Perachora excavations. Short supplementary excavations were carried out in 1964 and 1966 to examine certain points of the structure.

In shape the West Court is an irregular pentagon, about 24 metres from north to south and the same from east to west (Fig. 1; Plate 91 a, b). It is enclosed on the west, north, and on part, at least, of the east side by a wall of orthostates on an ashlar foundation. For a short distance on either side of the south corner, the court is bounded by a vertically dressed rock face which is extended to the north-east and west by walls of polygonal masonry. At the south-west corner the west orthostate wall butts against the polygonal wall, which continues for about 0·80 m. beyond it and then returns north for about 8 metres behind it.