Introduction

The armed conflict in Sri Lanka arose as a manifestation of tensions between the two main ethnic groups in the country, i.e. the Sinhalese and the Tamils with its roots dating back to the British Colonial rule. Communal Representation which was an offshoot of the ‘divide and rule policy’ employed by the British Empire in administering colonies created diminutive cracks in the otherwise harmonious Sri Lankan society. The ‘Sinhala only Act’ deepened the crevices. The approximate cause of armed conflict came about in July 1983 when militants belonging to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (hereafter LTTE, which was one among many Tamil militant groups organized for creating a separate state for the Tamil nation in the North and East of the country) conducted an organized ambush on the Sri Lanka Army killing 13 soldiers. The events that ensued in the days thereafter are etched in the annals of modern Sri Lankan history as one of the bloodiest months the land has ever seen. Popularly known as ‘Black July’ this event is generally regarded as the commencement of full-scale hostilities between the Government of Sri Lanka (hereafter GoSL) and the LTTE.

After nearly three decades of war, the armed conflict that ravaged the economy, polity, society and culture in Sri Lanka finally came to an end on 18 May 2009 as the security forces of the Government of Sri Lanka succeeded in comprehensively defeating the LTTE which was renowned as one of the most powerful and ruthless secessionist groups. Almost the entire top leadership of the LTTE was decimated in the final phase of the military operation. The number of fatalities in the last phase of the battle is yet unknown. The Secretary, to the Ministry of Defence, has recently stated that casualties in the last phase of the war may be in the vicinity of 7000 people. Other estimates project higher numbers ranging from 10,000 to 20,000 people. It displaced internally about 275,000 people.

Peace, though eternally elusive, has been the focus of intense attention throughout the ages, but more so in recent times after the end of the Second World War. Unfortunately, the peace dividend that was expected did not materialize and instead we had prolonged cold war till 1945, the world has seen a large number of conflicts within and between countries, and South Asia is no exception.

India has had one conflict with China and four with Pakistan during this period, plus a disastrous intervention in Sri Lanka. The shadow of international terrorism, at one stage largely initiated in Pakistan, has assumed menacing proportions and is, in fact, threatening that country itself. The situation in Afghanistan with the imminent withdrawal of US troops is still uncertain, despite brave attempts to build a democratic system capable of withstanding the fundamentalist Taliban. Sri Lanka saw a bloody civil war resulting in huge casualties, particularly to the minority Tamil population. In Bangladesh also, there has been a great deal of tension, while in Nepal, although the ancien regime was toppled, the country is still far from emerging as a stable and viable democracy. Even tiny Maldives has had its share of internal conflict and confusion.

We thus find that South Asia is in turmoil, which makes peace and conflict resolution studies all the more relevant and significant. The present volume edited by Priyankar Upadhyaya and Samrat Schmiem Kumar brings together a dozen academic papers on this theme from a wide spectrum of scholars in India and abroad. It deals with many facets of the unrest in South Asia, and lays out alternative scenarios for a movement towards peace and conflict resolution in this region. I warmly commend the editors, and am sure this book will be of considerable value to students of peace and reconciliation studies around the world.

Introduction

The environmental issues are generally treated as ‘Non-Traditional Security’ (NTS) threats as they do not appear to be a direct driver of conflict. However, the conflict inducing portents of environmental degradation has lately assumed critical salience in Peace and Conflict Studies. In this chapter the issue of environmental security and its portents arising out of conflict are analysed in the context of Bangladesh. The chapter discusses the various dimensions of conflict generated by environmental insecurity. It examines the practical ramifications generated by the environmental security threats to Bangladesh and its repercussions in triggering conflicts and violence. We know that the rise of the sea level, unmanaged floods, drought and climate-induced disasters resulted in resource scarcity thereby leading to competition, which in turn, appears to have caused security complexity and conflicts. This chapter endeavours to address this complex situation of environmental insecurity and conflict in Bangladesh with some policy recommendations to manage the conflict and promote environmental peacebuilding and ecological sustainability.

Two decades ago, Robert D. Kaplan cautioned that ‘the political and strategic impact of surging populations, spreading disease, deforestation and soil erosion, water depletion, air pollution, and, possibly rising sea levels in critical, overcrowded regions like the Nile Delta and Bangladesh will prompt mass migrations and incite group conflict’ (Kaplan 1994). In addition to traditional security threats, the world community after the Cold War has confronted with new types of problems such as human rights violation, economic crisis, environmental degradation, resource depletion, drug trafficking, epidemics, crimes and social injustices (Baldwin 1997).

Introduction

In the final two decades of the last millennia, there has been substantial increase in political violence (UCDP 2012). Such violence is mostly the product of intra-state rather than inter-state conflicts. This has meant that wars are no longer fought in the traditional sense of the term between states but often within the state and its own people. In this context, a cataclysmic development for women has been the inevitability of war happening in and around their homes. Acts of violence, however, may not always target the civilian populations, but women and children often get trapped in them. For want of ‘security’ from being ‘recruited’ or for the necessity of earning bread, men disappear to distant lands. Women, children, the aged and the infirm are thus exposed to violence from the state as well as from the insurgents or the non-state actors. The routine narrative is that of the silent suffering women are victimized in various ways. This to an extent is true. However, there is another side of the picture too: the agency hood of women. Women become actors in the theatre of war and also in peace.

This chapter aims at not only analysing the impact that war made on the lives of women in the recent violent conflict in Nepal, but also to emphasize on the complexity and multiplicity of women's role in war as well as in peace.

Introduction

India is a vast country with multitude perspectives, peoples and ways of life. It is probably the most culturally, ethnically and religiously diverse country in the world. Some of the most prominent philosophies and notions of peace, including non-violence, co-existence, unity and compassion, have emerged from the Indian sub-continent. At the same time, India is also characterized as a state with state and non-state-led violence, political corruption, social injustice and communal divisions. The freedom it gained from the British Raj in 1947 led to mass-violence among its communities, a historical memory that still haunts relations among the South Asian states. India is a country of dissimilarity and contrasts. Peace itself is understood from many perspectives such as plural, relational and sometimes even contradictory. Portraying peace work in the Indian context through a singular lens is, in fact, an impossible task.

This chapter aims at presenting a plurality of philosophies and practices of non-violence and peace works in India. Mohandas K. Gandhi, Vandana Shiva, Mata Amritanandamayi and social movements such as Chipko and Narmada Bachao, represent different understandings of peace, non-violence and peace works. We have chosen to focus on these peace contributors as their efforts and determination led to societal transformations and have inspired many in both India and abroad. Although their messages of peace are comparable, as individuals and social movements, they represent peace work in different historical periods and socio-cultural settings. What all peace workers have in common is that they propagate civil resistance, nonviolence and compassion as powerful tools for personal, social and political transformation. Most of them actively resist(ed) subjugation, by external rulers or the global market economy, both of which are viewed as obstacles for local self-governance and sustainable livelihoods.

I

Introduction

This chapter is concerned with the ways in which different communities react to social tensions. These tensions arise because of one or a multiplicity of reasons, thus yielding conflict, manifest and/or latent. Tension may prevail after an instance of open conflict – an episode of violence and enmity – has subsided for the time being, but it can always surface with greater intensity, causing immeasurable loss to material as well as nonmaterial aspects of culture.

The point I wish to put forth is that sometimes administrative and political institutions do not respond to social tensions. On the contrary, they look through them, neither denying their existence nor accepting their prevalence. Against such a backdrop, the communities are left with no other alternative except to devise their own solutions to social tensions, whether they are between different sections of the same community or between different communities. Perhaps the administrative and political institutions tacitly believe that the tensions would subside on their own – on the contrary, they think, any external intervention would further exacerbate the tensions; thus, the administrative and political institutions adopt an instance of what is famously called the ‘conspiracy of silence’, or to put this idea in other words, ‘give nature a chance to heal’, or ‘do nothing, nothing will be done, and the problems will be solved (or pushed to a state of insignificance) on their own’.

Introduction

This chapter reviews key ideas and approaches within the field of peace research, from theories of conflict and its causes such as Johan Galtung's conflict triangle and Edward Azar's protracted social conflict, to models of conflict resolution such as John Paul Lederach's conflict transformation theory. Taking stock of major debates in peace research, the chapter also describes the development of a peacebuilding template which has accompanied increasing international and multilateral involvement in conflict resolution worldwide. Consisting of standardized procedures and remedies for post-conflict reconstruction, the peacebuilding template or ‘toolbox’ is built on the premise that conflict-prone societies must be fundamentally re-engineered so as to prevent their relapse into conflict. The chapter discusses debates on the ‘new interventionism’ and its basis in western liberal thinking, which typically advocates institutional reforms to promote ‘good governance’ as a key approach to peacebuilding. Critiques of the ‘Liberal Peace’ paradigm generally fall into one of two broad categories: targeting either problems of inefficiency and strategic deficits, or more fundamental problems with the ideological foundations of ‘liberal peacebuilding’. The peacebuilding efforts of the 1990s were commonly designed to produce measurable gains, favouring efficiency, while contemporary debates on peacebuilding focused on systemic issues such as how to achieve greater coherence and improve output. Scholars of peacebuilding later started to question ‘liberal peacebuilding’ more explicitly, examining the role of liberalization in fuelling conflict, the inherent problems of interventionism and the militarization of peacebuilding.

Three Generations of Peace Studies in South Asia

Peace Studies in South Asia as a discipline continues to be dominated by Security Studies where peace is considered as only an outcome of the balance of power between the parties involved in conflicts. Every such outcome for obvious reasons is contingent, because the balance that is achieved may be disturbed or even set aside once any of the parties has its reasons to do so. A party might in such cases think that it gains by being engaged in conflict or even simply allowing it to continue, instead of working for peace. Peace thus conceived as a strategic balance of power is precarious and constantly threatened by the spectre of conflict and war. A large part of the established academia in South Asia continues to be influenced by studies of this genre.

Since the beginning of the new millennium, a new generation of studies conducted mostly in the conflict areas of South Asia – particularly in India – seems to have marked a paradigmatic shift in the understanding of Peace Studies (Samaddar 2004, Das 2005, Banerjee 2008, Singh 2009). Peace, according to this new paradigm, is sought to be understood independently of its opposite, i.e. conflict – not so much as absence or deferral of conflict by obtaining an albeit contingent balance of power, but its preemption and in cases where complete preemption is not possible, at least their resolution – both preemption and resolution in a way that simultaneously establish such universal principles as rights, justice and democracy. The parties involved in the conflict may not necessarily develop a stake in the resolution of conflicts that at the same time also establishes such universal principles.

Introduction

While religious differences are readily seen as a cause or pretext for violence, we are yet to recognize religion as a potent force in peaceful resolution of conflicts. The peace and conflict resolution studies have lately shown greater inclination to do so. The growing recognition of religion and faith-based actors in peacework has been a much-needed course correction. Not long ago, scholars regarded religion either as an instigator of conflict or ignored it altogether. The positivist and secular sway would not like to admit religion-based ideas and actors within conflict resolution framework (Bercovitch and Orellana 2009).

Undoubtedly, the religious communities have a pervasive appeal. They are trusted institutions with vast human resource network, which could readily inspire peace and understanding within and across their communities. They can provide social cohesion and spiritual support to alleviate the pain and suffering ushering in forgiveness and reconciliation. Thus, if religion plays a part in conflict, it may also become a part of its resolution. No wonder the pedagogies of religious pluralism and spirituality are now assuming greater attention in peace studies discourses (Kazanjian and Laurence 2000, Lin and Brantmeier 2010).

While the post-9/11 transferences marked a surge of violence motivated by religious claims, it also witnessed a corresponding increase in peace work inspired by the religious actors. Increasing number of religious communities are able to harness their resources for building peace, often challenging structures of direct and indirect violence. In many instances, religious actors have engaged in mediation and trauma healing and providing valuable humanitarian and relief services in war-torn areas (Abu Nimer and Orellana 2005). New and creative forms of interfaith dialogue are being practised to promote communal peacebuilding (USIP 2000, Smock 2002).

Connections between drum notation, drum syllables and the power of oralized sound are audible/viewable in numerous rituals throughout Uttarakhand. Whether such rituals involve a procession with a specific temple deity, or whether they are part of more general ritual activity associated with festivals (melās) or outdoor jāgaraṇ, references to Śaiva-Śākta theologies and practices are frequently present. The small town of Purnath (pseudonym), which is located in central Garhwal, holds an annual melā (festival) that provides just such an example. Events associated with the deity's original acquisition are re-enacted by townspeople as both a form of worship and as a dramatic spectacle. In this way, the melā provides an opportunity for participants to simultaneously worship their deity and reaffirm their interlinked identities. This chapter examines the melā by documenting and analyzing the unique musical repertoire used to accompany what is essentially a sacred performance. The deity's connection to Shiva as well as the town's association with Nath practitioners makes the Purnāth Melā a particularly apt space within which to examine connections between ritual practice and drum repertoire.

Knowledge of the musical repertoire that accompanies the ritual aspects of the Purnāth Melā is maintained by specialist drummers who live in the town. Their explanation of how music is related to historical re-enactment provides the framework for the description presented here. Metaphysical explanations of music's central place in the existence/creation of the world clarify the role of sound in ritual action and provide the basis for how sacred and historical realms may become merged.

Most pawāṙās incorporate stories of heroic protagonists like Dhama Deb and Pithima Deb. This is why the genre term pawāṙā is largely synonymous with vīr-gāthā (hero epic). While the etymologies of the two terms are different, they both identify genres of performance in which heroic tales are ‘sung’. The term vīr-gāthā emphasizes the sung nature of these stories through the root verb ‘gānā’ – ‘to sing’. In addition, the term pawāṙā may be etymologically linked to immigrant Rajputs named ‘Panwar’ like king Ajay Pal who was from the Panwar family.

A further significant fact related to all pawāṙā performances, is their existence as a tradition of oral practice. Consequently, the pawāṙās discussed in various places in this book illustrate patterns and themes that are characteristic of oral tradition. Unlike some areas of the world where written/printed versions of stories interact with traditions of oral performance, in Uttarakhand, if published versions of pawāṙās exist, they are frequently the result of direct transcription from oral practice. As far as I am aware, huṙkiyās who still perform in village locations today do not access or refer to written sources; nor do they maintain written records to aid their memory. Consequently, the scholarly field of ‘oral tradition’ provides a valuable theoretical framework to dig deeper into the sonic worlds of pawāṙās in Uttarakhand.

Gorakhnath is a tantric figure revered by a number of Hindu Shaivite sects. These sects exist particularly in Nepal, but are also found elsewhere in, or near, the Himalayas as well as in parts of northern India including Rajasthan and Bengal. However, Gorakhnath is a particularly significant figure for many in the Himalayas. For instance, Maskarinec (1995: 7) mentions that shamans in Nepal regard Gorakhnath as the ‘highest’ spiritual authority. The suffix –nāth literally means ‘lord’ or ‘master’, and thus is used in many contexts. Most broadly, this suffix is used in association with the names of specific temples and their principal deities, such as Kedarnath, Tungnath, or Bodinath, highlighting the reverence people hold for these places of worship and their deities. In addition many people more generally refer to ‘Naths’ as those who follow the teachings of Gorakhnath. They are also referred to as Gorakhpanth – meaning the sect(s) (paṅth) of Gorakhnath.

Little is really known about Gorakhnath as an actual historical figure. He may have lived about a thousand years ago and his teachings as well as those of his guru, Matsyendranath, have shaped an esoteric philosophical tradition that is carried on today by Gorakhpanthis. Kanphata Yogis are the most well-known sect of ascetics who revere Gorakhnath as their founder and primary gurū. As Bharati (1982: 873) suggests, the sect is not only a tantric (Shaivite and Shakta) order but also has connections with the Vajrayana Buddhist tradition.