ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

'At a time when China-Southeast Asia relationships are undergoing profound changes, it is pleasing to have a volume which examines the interactions between China and the polities and societies to the south through time. With multiple aims of exploring the relations between northern Chinese cultures and those of the south, examining the cultural plurality of areas which are today parts of Southern China, and illuminating the relations between Sinitic and non-Sinitic societies, the volume is broad in concept and content. Within these extensive rubrics, this edited collection further interrogates the nature of Asian polities and their historiography, the constitution of Chineseness, imperial China's southern expansions, cultural hybridity, economic relations, regional systems and ethnic interactions across East Asia. The editors Victor H. Mair and Liam C. Kelley are to be congratulated for bringing together such a wealth of contributions offering nascent interpretations and broad overviews, set within the overarching historical and contemporary contexts provided through Wang Gungwu's introduction.' - Dr Geoffrey Wade, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National University

Hamengku Buwono IX, the late Sultan of Yogyakarta Special Province, is revered by Indonesians as one of the great founders of the modern Indonesian state. He leaves a positive but in some ways ambiguous legacy in political terms. His most conspicuous achievement was the survival of hereditary Yogyakartan kingship, and he provided rare stability and continuity in Indonesia's highly fractured modern history. Under the New Order, Hamengku Buwono also helped to launch the Indonesian economy on a much stronger growth path. Although remembered as the epitome of 'political decency', he faded from power and influence as Vice President in the 1970s, and the repressive and anti-democratic features of Suharto's New Order seemed to contradict much of what Hamengku Buwono originally stood for. This biography seeks to explain his political standpoint, motivations, and achievements, and set his career in the context of his times.

'Robert Taylor, one of the most prominent scholars in Myanmar studies, has written an illuminating study of Ne Win, the most enigmatic and controversial of the first generation of post-independence Southeast Asian leaders, and how he steered a then largely unknown country, Burma (now Myanmar), through the Cold War years. This book, by perhaps the only foreign political analyst to live in Burma under Ne Win, is a significant contribution to the historiography of Myanmar and its unnoticed role in the Cold War in Asia.' - Associate Professor Ang Cheng Guan, Head of Graduate Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. 'This book fills a major gap in the literature of Myanmar by providing the first scholarly account of the life of General Ne Win, its enigmatic ruler for over 25 years. It will be of interest not only to professional Myanmar watchers, who have log awaited a detailed and comprehensive study of this important historical figure, but to anyone who wants to learn more about this troubled Southeast Asian country, where Ne Win's legacy is still being felt today.' - Andrew Selth, Adjunct Associate Professor, Griffith Asia Institute.'The Colonel Ne Win of World War II and General Ne Win of post-independent Myanmar was not the same as Chairman Ne Win of the BSPP. Nor was the context of those days similar to the context by which he is normally judged today. The present work (and Taylor's scholarship in general) is acutely aware of such anachronistic projections backward, made to commensurate with certain desired academic and political consequences. Taylor examines Ne Win's life and career in the context of when it occurred. This book returns Ne Win to the period to which he belonged.' - Michael Aung-Thwin, Professor of South East Asian History University of Hawaii.'It is difficult to imagine that this study of Ne Win, the dominant figure in the politics of Burma through most of the second half of the twentieth century, will ever be surpassed. Immensely detailed, insightful, and impressively understanding, this is an outstanding work of scholarship.' - Ian Brown, Emeritus Professor of the Economic History of South East Asia School of Oriental and African Studies (London).

The ten Southeast Asian economies reached a milestone on 31 December 2015, when they announced the formation of an ASEAN Community. Although this includes three pillars - ASEAN Political-Security Community, ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community - it is the economic pillar that generates immense debate, due to its expected quantifiable benefits to member countries. This book, thus, focuses on the ASEAN Economic Community and seeks to explain the need for building domestic consensus within the member countries. It starts with an overview chapter describing the current achievements of the AEC. It then explores possible explanations for the achievements/non-achievements and offers a hypothesis on conflicting economic interests in a country as one possible explanation for gaps in implementation. This is because any form of economic liberalisation brings with it the winners and losers, thereby raising resistance to liberalization measures and slowing down the implementation process.The book includes six country chapters - Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam - that examine sources of domestic conflict/s in greater detail and depth. It also includes a regional chapter, co-authored by the ex-Secretary General of ASEAN, Mr Rodolfo Severino, that brings out the political nature of ASEAN economic cooperation since its inception in 1976. For ASEAN beyond 2015, the book articulates the need to obtain a strong domestic consensus that supports the integration initiatives of the AEC. This can be viewed as a way forward to accelerate and deepen integration within ASEAN. The book concludes with some suggestions on how each country can move towards achieving domestic consensus, based on the respective country level analysis.

This book examines how the interaction between political and economic factors under Doi Moi has shaped Vietnam's China policy and bilateral relations since the late 1980s.After providing a historical background, the book examines the conflicting effects that Doi Moi has generated on bilateral relations. It demonstrates that Vietnam's economic considerations following the adoption of Doi Moi contributed decidedly to the Sino-Vietnamese normalization in 1991 as well as the continuous improvements in bilateral ties ever since. At the same time, Vietnam's economic activities in the South China Sea and China's responses have intensified bilateral rivalry and put their ties under considerable strains.The book goes on to argue that Doi Moi has indeed brought Vietnam newfound opportunities to develop a multi-level Omni-directional hedging strategy against China. Finally, the book concludes by looking at the prospects of democratization in both countries and assessing the future trajectory of their relations under such circumstances. As the most comprehensive and up-to-date survey of Vietnam's relations with China over the past thirty years, the book is a useful reference source for academics, policymakers, students, and anyone interested in contemporary Vietnam foreign policy in general and Vietnam-China relations in particular.

This volume is based on papers from the second in a series of three conferences that deal with the multi-scalar processes of heritage-making, ranging from the local to the national and international levels, involving different players with different degrees of agency and interests. These players include citizens and civil society, the state, and international organizations and actors. The current volume focuses on the role of citizens and civil society in the politics of heritage-making, looking at how these players at the grass-roots level make sense of the past in the present. Who are these local players that seek to define the meaning of heritage in their everyday lives? How do they negotiate with the state, or contest the influence of the state, in determining what their heritage is? These and other questions will be taken up in various Asian contexts in this volume to foreground the local dynamics of heritage politics.

‘Asia has benefitted greatly from its integration into the world economy. But globalization has its challenges, including those that are the subject of this excellent new study: how to manage the interface with global capital markets, especially in the current, highly unusual monetary policy settings in the major economies. Dr Juthathip Jongwanich has been researching these issues for several years. In this volume she writes with great authority, providing a comprehensively, succinct and accessible examination of the many complex issues. A must-read volume for policymakers and academics alike.’ - Hal Hill, H.W. Arndt Professor of Southeast Asian Economies, Australian National University.

’A very timely and excellent book on capital volatility. Jongwanich provides a superb analysis on the impact of capital flows on home country, exchange rates and the capital account policies. A very important book, especially for academia and policymakers.’ - Muhamad Chatib Basri, Former Finance Minister of Indonesia.

’This timely book presents outstanding research on the determinants and effects of capital flows as well as the effectiveness of capital control policies in dealing with volatile capital flows in emerging Asian countries. It will be a useful and valuable reading for researchers and policymakers to understand the nature of cross-border capital movement and design the policies conducive to more stable and sustainable economic growth.’ - Jong-Wha Lee, Professor of Economics and Director of Asiatic Research Institute, Korea University.

’This is an important book. Ever since the East Asian financial crisis, it has been recognized that emerging market economies are vulnerable to both excessive inflows of capital and sudden outflows. But up until now there have been few detailed empirical studies of this issue. This book looks at the key factors determining capital mobility, considers the impact of capital flows, especially on real exchange rates, and examines the possibility of effective capital controls. Jongwanich draws two key conclusions: shifting the mix of inflows towards FDI is possible and desirable, and well-functioning domestic financial markets are essential if capital inflows are to be well used.’ - David Vines, Professor of Economics and Fellow of Balliol College, University of Oxford.

Ethnic minorities historically comprised a solid majority of Bangkok's population. They played a dominant role in the city's exuberant economic and social development. In the shadow of Siam's prideful, flamboyant Thai ruling class, the city's diverse minorities flourished quietly. The Thai-Portuguese; the Mon; the Lao; the Cham, Persian, Indian, Malay, and Indonesian Muslims; and the Taechiu, Hokkien, Hakka, Hainanese, and Cantonese Chinese speech groups were particularly important. Others, such as the Khmer, Vietnamese, Thai Yuan, Sikhs, and Westerners, were smaller in numbers but no less significant in their influence on the city's growth and prosperity.

In tracing the social, political, and spatial dynamics of Bangkok's ethnic pluralism through the two-and-a-half centuries of the city's history, this book calls attention to a long-neglected mainspring of Thai urban development. While the book's primary focus is on the first five reigns of the Chakri dynasty (1782–1910), the account extends backward and forward to reveal the continuing impact of Bangkok's ethnic minorities on Thai culture change, within the broader context of Thai development studies. It provides an exciting perspective and unique resource for anyone interested in exploring Bangkok's evolving cultural milieu or Thailand's modern history.

Summary

The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policy makers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

Summary

Executive Summary

Summary

Introduction

This paper investigates political parties in Indonesia's Kepulauan Riau (Kepri) Province, as a case of local politics occurring in decentralized Indonesia's periphery. As one of Indonesia's outermost provinces, Kepri Province's political dynamics are a significant indicator of how parties are faring in localities with typically limited infrastructure and little attention from central party offices.

Although case studies of local politics and elections in Indonesia have proliferated since the commencement of decentralization (e.g., Erb and Sulistiyanto 2009), the investigation of parties in this particular region has so far been limited mainly to Choi Nankyung's work (2007, 2009). In her study on Batam elections, she pointed to the weaknesses of the parties, particularly regarding recruitment and election management. This Trends issue examines the parties’ overall organization at the provincial level, with particular attention being paid to how their activities are managed, and uses the 2015 gubernatorial election as a case study.

The political and economic gaps between the provincial capital of Tanjungpinang and the commercial centre of Batam have created problems in organizational capacity for political parties in the province. While branches in Tanjungpinang co-ordinate the overall organization in Kepri, there is a strong need for the parties to focus their attention on the more populated and vibrant Batam. The provincial branches have consequently become largely inactive and undermanaged, and their activities infrequent and erratic. Local politics have thus come to be dominated by local figures who — although having party affiliations — gain popularity and public standing, first and foremost as individuals instead.

KEPRI PROVINCE: SMALL YET STRATEGIC

Kepri Province was established in 2002 as Indonesia's 32nd province (under Law No. 25, 2002), following increasing demands for secession from Riau Province. The idea had strong opposition from the provincial government in Riau at first for fear of loss of revenue from manufacturing, tourism, and natural resources (Amri 2016). Indeed, it was the combination of resentment caused by the inadequate size of revenues from local resources that were redistributed back to the region, dissatisfaction with the Riau provincial government in general, along with Malay cultural subnationalism, which inspired the idea to form a new province (Kimura 2010, p. 437).

Summary

Energy relations between China and Southeast Asian countries have extendedfrom energy trade cooperation to equity investment and infrastructureconstruction cooperation in recent years. However, several factors arepushing some Southeast Asian countries toward resource nationalism andprotectionism. Local politicians and general public reportedly are concernedof China's ambitious plans for energy resources exploitation in SoutheastAsia. This chapter examines different concerns of and responses to China'senergy resource related investments in Indonesia, and demonstrates thatthe actual impact of Chinese energy investment depends not only on China,but also on the recipient country's domestic politics, regulatory system andstate capacity.

Introduction

Indonesia is rich in energy and mineral resources and it has allowed foreign companies to explore and exploit its oil and gas reserves sincethe early 1960s. Chinese national oil companies (NOCs) have long demonstrated interest in Indonesia's energy resources and they have developed many oil and gas exploration projects there. After the global financial crisis in 2008, China accelerated its foreign direct investment (FDI) to Indonesia and, for the first time, China was among the top five countries for levels of FDI to Indonesia in the last quarter of 2014. This may elevate energy cooperation to a new level.

However, although Chinese government has planned to stake a long-term strategic energy investment in Indonesia through a range of policy incentives and Chinese capital has poured into resource and energy-related infrastructure sectors, emerging factors have been pushing the two countries’ energy ties toward difficulties and competition. Concerns in Indonesia that an increasing trade deficit with China will affect national economic security have stirred debates over how to protect Indonesian resource and mineral industries while maintaining trade ties with Beijing. Fearful of falling into a relationship of “dependency development” with China or other foreign mineralinvesting country, Jakarta implemented a new law banning the export of unprocessed ore in January 2014. Although the law aims to increase added value for mineral resources prior to export, the new regulations will affect Sino–Indonesian energy resource cooperation. Within this context of fraught political and economic relations, this chapter addresses the following questions: In what direction is the China–Indonesia energy tie going — towards cooperation or conflict? And can it provide a basis for a broader bilateral relationship?

Overview of the Indonesian Energy Sector

Historically, Indonesia has been an attractive country for mineral investors because of its rich mineral wealth.

Summary

Yes, I know. These days it is hard to believe I used to be one of the noted Burmese song writers. That I used to speak Burmese more fluently than Shan. That I used to love wearing Burmese longyis than pants.

When I got back to Taunggyi last April to attend a reunion of my extended family, my cousins, nephews and nieces were not only surprised, but also dismayed to find out that I couldn't even remember my own songs. “I remember every song you wrote”, said a cousin, who in fact sang for me when I was asked to sing a song.

It wasn't like that when I moved from Lower Burma back to Shan State in 1954. My father who had participated in demonstrations against feudalist Saofas (Sawbwas) had fled to join the First Shan Rifles, formed after Independence under the leadership of Gen Tin Tut, who had worked with Aung San when he came to Panglong in 1947 to participate in the conference that culminated in the signing of the historic treaty.

I was six years old and spoke Shan only with my grandfather and neighbours. Among us brothers and sisters (actually cousins, as all our parents had left us in the care of our widowed grandfather), who had all been brought up in Burma Proper, the lingua franca among us was Burmese. We all read Burmese novels, sang Burmese songs and dressed like Burmese do.

In 1962, following the coup, we moved to Taunggyi where I was reunited with my parents. My father had left the Burma Army, after he, along with his company, was removed from the Shan Rifles to another unit, and spent years being transferred from one place to another. I was 14 that year and, what's more, I was in love — or thought I was, after reading so many romances written by Burmese authors like Tetkatho Phone Naing, who later became the head of the Taunggyi College, where I attended it in 1966. And like every teenager in love, I was desperately in need of an outlet for my pent-up emotions. And I started to write songs in Burmese. (Took me four years to produce the first song)

All in all, I was on my way to becoming a Burman. Without shame. Or without regret.

Summary

Different perceptions over identity, politics and citizenship have continued throughout Myanmar/Burma's modern history. Such differences were partially structured during the colonial era of government, and they have diversified into new forms since independence in 1948 as a host of different state and non-state actors have struggled to achieve a national political system that reflects the aspirations and identities of all peoples. Failure in the accomplishment of such a fundamental task has underpinned the legacy of ethnic conflict and state failure that continues to face the country. Into the twenty-first century, the national landscape has remained divided. While the national armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw, have come to dominate government and unitary political systems in the centre of the country, a variety of ethnic-based opposition groups have kept alive very different visions of identity, citizenship and statehood in the surrounding borderlands.

Since 2011, a new multi-ethnic, multi-party political system is being introduced through such elements as ethnic peace talks, parliamentary politics and constitutional reform. The advent to government of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in March 2016 provides further momentum to the processes of change. As dialogue takes place, this is bringing on to the national stage differences of opinion and deep crises in ethnic politics that have long needed to be addressed if national peace and stability are to be achieved.

Political transition, however, is neither prescriptive nor a one-way street. As steps towards democracy continue, the difficulties in achieving solutions have been compounded as long-standing crises reveal new complexities or, in some cases, even worsen. Setbacks in ethnic politics during the past six years include a resurgence of armed conflict in the Kachin State and Kachin, Kokang, Shan and Ta-ang (Palaung) regions of the Northern Shan State; Buddhist–Muslim violence that has spread from the Rakhine State to other parts of the country; disenfranchisement from voting rights or citizenship for over million people of perceived Indian or Chinese ancestry; accelerating land-grabbing and competition for the control of natural resources; and the displacement of a further 350,000 civilians from their homes in the Kachin, Rakhine and Shan States.

Clearly, political transition from Tatmadaw-based government is still at a beginning, not at an end. It is vital, therefore, that in the coming years the root causes of the political conflicts and disagreements that have long divided the country are recognized and addressed.

Summary

OVERVIEW OF MYANMAR

Burma, or Myanmar, is a fortunate country in many ways. It has a warm and wet tropical climate, with adequate rainfall that encourages many kinds of plants to flourish. The land is blessed with fertile low-land plains, plateaus and high ground with gentle slopes, where many varieties of vegetables can be grown. In terms of natural resources, it has timber and bamboo forests; many waterfalls and rivers in the hills that have potential for generating hydroelectric power; underground there are mineral deposits, including gold, silver, copper, iron, and lead; there are gemstones such as rubies, sapphire and jade; and deposits of fossil fuels of coal, petroleum and natural gas.

It is also well positioned to benefit from international trade and commerce, having a long coastline with sites suitable for deep-sea ports, and archipelagos where all kinds of marine life thrives. With a land area of 260,000 square miles supporting a little more than 51 million inhabitants, the country does not suffer from a high population density. With all of these benefits, one would expect Burma to be an affluent nation, and at one time it did in fact have the highest living standard of Southeast Asian countries. However, from being the “rice bowl of Asia”, Burma is now listed as one of the world's Least Developed Countries (LDC). The following traces the main threads of Burma/Myanmar's recent history that have led to this situation.

The Union of Burma/Myanmar is inhabited by numerous ethnic groups, many with the characteristics of an independent nationality, such as having a substantial population living together in a defined area, with their own distinct language, literature, culture, custom and historical development. Prior to the British colonial era — and even during that era — some of these groups had their own kingdoms contemporaneously with the largest of the ethnic groups, the Burmans. In such a complex country, it is perhaps not surprising that there has been discord and armed conflict for nearly seventy years between the ethnic Burman (who have controlled the government) and the other ethnic nationalities. Almost all the ethnic nationalities have been in armed resistance at some time against successive central (Burman) governments. Some of the major ethnic groups being, alphabetically: Aka, Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni (Kayah), Kuki, Kokang, Lahu, Mon, Naga, Palaung (Ta'ang), Pa-oh, Rakhine (Arakanese), Shan, and Wa.

ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Refine listing

Refine listing

Actions for selected content:

15200 results in ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Imperial China and Its Southern Neighbours

A Prince in a Republic

General Ne Win

Moving the AEC Beyond 2015

Living Next to the Giant

Citizens, Civil Society and Heritage-Making in Asia

Capital Mobility in Asia

Siamese Melting Pot

References

Appendix A

Foreword

Summary

Appendix B

Parties in the Periphery: Organizational Dilemmas in Indonesia's Kepri Province

Summary

Frontmatter

Parties in the Periphery: Organizational Dilemmas in Indonesia's Kepri Province

Summary

5 - Indonesia–China Energy and Mineral Ties: The Rise and Fall of Resource Nationalism?

Summary

Special Contribution: How I Became Shan

Summary

1 - Ethnic Politics and Citizenship in History

Summary

About the Contributors

Special Contribution: The Way Forward for Peace, Stability and Progress in Burma/Myanmar

Summary

ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Refine listing

Refine listing

Actions for selected content:

Save Search

15200 results in ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Imperial China and Its Southern Neighbours

A Prince in a Republic

General Ne Win

Moving the AEC Beyond 2015

Living Next to the Giant

Citizens, Civil Society and Heritage-Making in Asia

Capital Mobility in Asia

Siamese Melting Pot

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary