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15200 results in ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Page 165 of 760

  • The 2017 Johor Survey: Selected Findings

  • Terence Chong, Hock Guan Lee, Norshahril Saat, Serina Rahman
  • Book:
    The 2017 Johor Survey
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    24 November 2017, pp 1-42

  • Summary

    Introduction

    Johor, more than any other Malaysian state, and Singapore enjoy a unique familiarity that has been nurtured by geographical proximity and historic ties. Thousands of Johor residents, many of whom are Malaysians from other parts of the country, make the daily trip across the Causeway to work or study in the island republic.

    There were approximately 1.3 million foreign workers in Singapore as of June 2017. It has been estimated that between 450,000 and 500,000 Malaysians are working in various sectors in Singapore, including the approximately 120,000 Malaysian workers who commute daily from Johor. The two-way traffic averages 400,000 daily, even reaching 430,000 during festive periods, making the Singapore–Johor border one of the busiest in the world.

    The strong Singapore dollar also encourages thousands of Singaporeans to travel to Johor for shopping and food, thus providing a boost to the local economy. There are about 5,000 Singaporean families who have set up home in Johor. These are either retirees who prefer a slower pace of life or adults working in Singapore who have made the trade-off between affordable landed property and the daily cross-border commutes. Cheaper houses, cars, petrol and favourable terms under the Malaysia My Second Home Programme have also made Johor more attractive to foreigners.

    Johor's economy has been predicted to do well in the near future. With a GDP of RM104.4 billion, Johor is expected to become Malaysia's second largest state economy in a few years, relegating Sarawak, which has a GDP of RM108.7 billion, to third place. Selangor, with a GDP of RM251.5 billion occupies the top slot. Since 2011, Johor's economy has grown at a faster rate than Malaysia's as a whole, except for 2013 when their rates mirrored each other. In 2016, Johor's 5.7 per cent growth rate was higher than those of Malaysia's other twelve states.8 Much of Johor's growth is due to cheaper properties and goods compared to Singapore, as well as the Iskandar Malaysia development project that is expected to cover 2,200 sq. km when completed in 2025. One of the spillover effects of Iskandar Malaysia is the construction sector's strong growth of 24 per cent in 2016.

  • Malaysia's Electoral Process: The Methods and Costs of Perpetuating UMNO Rule

  • Kai Ostwald
  • Book:
    Malaysia's Electoral Process
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    24 November 2017, pp 1-34

  • Summary

    Introduction

    Malaysia will hold its 14th general election before August 2018. Though it is not a foregone conclusion, few analysts expect an outcome different from the prior 13 general elections held since independence in 1957: a victory by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and its Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition. UMNO's unbroken electoral dominance has several reasons. Many stem from the country's exemplary developmental performance under the helm of UMNO, with Malaysia having enjoyed relative social stability, seen substantial improvements in the living conditions of its citizens, and joined the ranks of upper middle-income economies. Yet Malaysia's electoral process has also played a central role, as it is manipulated in ways that confer fundamental advantages to the BN.

    This paper acts as a primer on elections in Malaysia by providing a systematic assessment of how the electoral process is strategically manipulated to secure the political dominance of UMNO and its coalition partners. It is divided into four parts. The first provides a brief overview of Malaysia's institutional structure and electoral history. The second brings Malaysia's electoral process into comparative perspective using recent data from the Electoral Integrity Project (Norris and Grömping 2017a). By these and other measures, Malaysia manipulates its electoral system more significantly than other countries with comparable levels of development and institutionalization. This has strong implications for our understanding of Malaysia's domestic politics; it also illustrates the importance of Malaysia as a case in the growing body of research on electoral integrity. The third section uses a theoretical framework from Birch (2011) to provide a structured overview of manipulations in each phase of Malaysia's electoral process. The pre-election period is the most significant, as extensive institutional bias creates a fundamentally uneven playing field for political competition by inhibiting challengers and shaping the preferences of voters towards the BN. The final section briefly discusses the range of costs entailed by the electoral manipulations. These are both direct in nature, for example, inefficient budgetary allocations and resultant fiscal burdens, as well as indirect, including disillusionment and subsequent disengagement with the political system among a substantial portion of the electorate.

    Ultimately, these costs impede Malaysia's efforts to attain higher levels of development.

  • The 2017 Johor Survey: Selected Findings

  • Terence Chong, Hock Guan Lee, Norshahril Saat, Serina Rahman
  • Book:
    The 2017 Johor Survey
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    24 November 2017, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • ISEAS commissioned the 2017 Johor Survey to understand Johor residents’ attitudes towards state and federal government, the economy, Islamic identity, the Johor royal family, as well as development projects like Iskandar Malaysia. This is a presentation of selected findings from the survey.

  • • A majority of respondents are satisfied with the Johor government's management of the state. There is mild optimism over the economic future of the state across the board, except for Chinese respondents who are generally more pessimistic. Chinese respondents are more likely to report smaller improvements in the financial situation of their households.

  • • In terms of identity, there is strong support for Bangsa Johor across all demographic segments. However, religious affiliation is the most important for Malay respondents while Chinese and Indian respondents identify themselves as Malaysian citizens first. The idea of introducing public English-medium schools receives overwhelming support from all ethnic groups.

  • • The Johor royal family is viewed as a good steward of Johor's resources and is believed to look after the personal interests of citizens. Many also believe that the Johor Sultan should intervene in politics when necessary. However, a slight majority agree that the Johor royalty should refrain from business ventures.

  • • With regard to Islam, the vast majority of Malay respondents see Malaysia as an “Islamic state”. This majority also believe that increased Islamic religiosity is a positive development for society. More than half of the Malay respondents would like hudud laws to be applied to non-Muslims as well. The majority of Malay respondents also believe that JAKIM should regulate Muslim behaviour and that Malay culture is not becoming more Arabized.

  • Malaysia's Electoral Process: The Methods and Costs of Perpetuating UMNO Rule

  • Kai Ostwald
  • Book:
    Malaysia's Electoral Process
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    24 November 2017, pp vii-vii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • Malaysia will hold its 14th general election before August 2018, bringing renewed focus on the nature of political competition in the country. This paper provides a systematic overview of the electoral process and an assessment of how it shapes the country's political environment.

  • • Political competition in Malaysia is extensively manipulated to provide the incumbent government substantial advantages in elections. Most of the manipulations are a result of institutional bias during the pre-election phase. They create a fundamentally uneven playing field that has entrenched the political dominance of the UMNO-led coalition.

  • • Electoral manipulations impose numerous costs. These include direct costs like the inefficient allocation of resources, as well as indirect costs like the exacerbating of ethnic divisions. Both channels hinder Malaysia's efforts to reach further developmental milestones.

  • • The high degree of electoral manipulation in Malaysia, juxtaposed against its successful developmental record and relative social stability, makes the country an important case for the growing body of research on electoral integrity and malpractice.

  • Foreword

  • Kai Ostwald
  • Book:
    Malaysia's Electoral Process
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    24 November 2017, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policy makers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

  • Harnessing the Potential of the Indonesian Diaspora

  • Charlotte Setijadi
  • Book:
    Harnessing the Potential of the Indonesian Diaspora
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    20 November 2017, pp 1-28

  • Summary

    Introduction

    According to data from the United Nations, Indonesia now has the fifteenth largest diaspora population in the world. With various estimates placing the number of overseas Indonesians at up to 8 million people worldwide, the Indonesian diaspora has enormous economic, social, and political potentials for Indonesia that have largely remained untapped. However, in recent times, the Indonesian government has displayed greater recognition towards the contribution and specific needs of the country's diaspora.

    Indeed, members of Indonesia's overseas communities have more actively organized themselves in the last few years through lobby groups such as the Indonesian Diaspora Network (IDN) spearheaded by Dr Dino Patti Djalal, former Indonesian Ambassador to the United States and Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). Overseas community groups like IDN have demanded greater recognition of their national belonging from the government, regardless of whether they are still Indonesian citizens or not. As well as recognition, these expatriates are also lobbying for legislative changes that would allow them to maintain both material and emotional attachments in Indonesia, such as land ownership, business interests, and the ability to vote in elections.

    In response, the government has promised to review the dual citizenship law, and has in the meantime proposed other diaspora-specific initiatives designed to strengthen ties between overseas Indonesians and the “homeland”. Indeed, the Indonesian government seems to have begun to realize the importance of mobilizing its overseas diaspora to advance its national interests. Here, Indonesia has much to learn from countries such as China and India that have successfully utilized their diaspora networks as economic, cultural, and political mediators in advancing their respective state agendas.

    In this article, I examine recent issues and developments in Indonesian diaspora activism, including the progress of long-standing requests such as changes to the dual citizenship law. I then discuss some of the ways in which the Indonesian government may harness the potential of its diaspora in the future, especially since overseas Indonesians are now wealthier, more mobile, and better connected than ever before. I argue that the case study of the Indonesian state's growing relationship with its diaspora can enrich our understanding of how Southeast Asian countries are cultivating better and more beneficial relationships with their diaspora communities.

  • The Central Role of Thailand's Internal Security Operations Command in the Post-Counter-insurgency Period

  • Puangthong R. Pawakapan
  • Book:
    The Central Role of Thailand's Internal Security Operations Command in the Post-Counter-insurgency Period
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    20 November 2017, pp 1-34

  • Summary

    INTRODUCTION

    Thailand's intransigent political crisis and polarization, marked by two military coups d’état and debilitating mass demonstrations since 2006, has been recognized as the orchestrated work of the anti-democratic alliance of the old powers against the rise of electoral politics. The alliance is conceptualized as “the network monarchy” by Duncan McCargo (2005), the “parallel state” by Paul Chambers (2015), and “the deep state” by Eugénie Mérieau (2016). Despite their differences in some aspects, these authors agree that the monarchy is the bedrock of the alliance while the military is its least popular component, especially after the violent crackdown of the popular uprising in May 1992 by the military government led by General Suchinda Khraprayun (7 April – 24 May 1992). The military's legitimacy comes from the claim that it is the major defender of the three pillars of Thailand — Nation, Religion and Monarchy. It lost much of its popularity following the May 1992 crackdown, however, and it had been perceived to have retreated to its barracks (Surachart 1998, p. 17). In other words, only putsches and military governments came to be considered political intervention on its part.

    Eugénie Mérieau (2016) noted the significance of the ideological apparatus of the deep state, her works tended to focus though on the role of the Constitutional Court, the apparent tip of this deep state. A study of the Thai military's civil affairs programmes, however, holds better potential for improving our understanding of the phenomenon.

    Despite warnings from Suchit Bunbongkarn (1987, p. 53) and Surachart Bamrungsuk (1998, pp. 76–77) about the military's involvement in civil affairs projects at the end of the counter-insurgency period, there has been no serious study on the matter. The Thai military's civil affairs programmes, especially in the post-counter-insurgency period, have drawn little attention from scholars, and studies of the Thai armed forces tend to focus on internal factionalism; conflict between elected civilian governments and military leaders; networks of cliques and classes; and personal ties between military leaders and the palace (Chambers and Napisa 2016; Surachart 1998, 2016; Yoshifumi 2008). At the same time, it is well known that since the toppling of the absolute monarchy in 1932, the Thai military has never restricted itself to an exclusively military role.

  • Harnessing the Potential of the Indonesian Diaspora

  • Charlotte Setijadi
  • Book:
    Harnessing the Potential of the Indonesian Diaspora
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    20 November 2017, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • In recent years, the Indonesian government has increased efforts to harness the economic, political, and social potential of its diaspora.

  • • A recent high-profile event was the 4th annual Congress of Indonesian Diasporas that took place in Jakarta on 1 July 2017. Opened by former U.S. President Barack Obama, the event was intended to draw the Indonesian public's attention towards the contributions of Indonesian diaspora communities abroad.

  • • Current estimates put the number of overseas Indonesians at about 8 million people worldwide. Members of the Indonesian diaspora are lobbying for legislative amendments, including dual citizenship, parliamentary representation, property ownership rights, and constitutional recognition.

  • • There are plans to set up a separate governmental office for diaspora affairs. Presidential Regulation Number 76/2017 also put into law the “Diaspora Card” that will provide Indonesians abroad with special entitlements such as long-term visas and property ownership rights.

  • • The Indonesian government needs to take the potential of its diaspora seriously in order to capitalize on their enormous capital and skills contribution.

  • The Central Role of Thailand's Internal Security Operations Command in the Post-Counter-insurgency Period

  • Puangthong R. Pawakapan
  • Book:
    The Central Role of Thailand's Internal Security Operations Command in the Post-Counter-insurgency Period
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    20 November 2017, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • The Thai military's Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC) was in charge of a wide range of civil affairs projects during the country's struggle with the communist insurgency between the mid-1960s and the mid-1980s.

  • • These projects — including rural development programmes, mass organizations and mobilization campaigns, and psychological operations — provided justification for the military to routinely penetrate the socio-political sphere.

  • • Since the Cold War drew to a close, little attention has been paid to ISOC's role and power within the state apparatus.

  • • Since the coups of September 2006 and May 2014 that toppled the elected governments, ISOC has been dangerously empowered and increasingly employed by the military regimes to dictate the country's political direction.

  • • The power of the Thai military is exerted not only through its use of force but also by means of its socio-political arms. ISOC represents a potent tool with which conservative elites can undermine and control electoral democracy and through which the military can maintain its power.

  • Foreword

  • Puangthong R. Pawakapan
  • Book:
    The Central Role of Thailand's Internal Security Operations Command in the Post-Counter-insurgency Period
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    20 November 2017, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policy makers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

  • Foreword

  • Charlotte Setijadi
  • Book:
    Harnessing the Potential of the Indonesian Diaspora
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    20 November 2017, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policy makers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

Singapore's New Education System
  • Education Reform for National Development
  • Soon Teck Wong
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    18 November 2017
    Print publication:
    01 January 1988
  • This book gives a brief account of how social and economic changes have an impact on the Singapore education system, bearing in mind that education and national development are closely related. Besides providing a short history of education in Singapore, the book discusses how the New Education System(NES) was implemented, public response to streaming, and the impact of the NES on educational wastage and attainments.

ASEAN-China Relations
  • Realities and Prospects
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    18 November 2017
    Print publication:
    17 August 2005
  • The past decade has witnessed rapid development in ASEAN-China relations. Both sides now have more in common than before, though differences still exist. ASEAN and China have established a promising strategic partnership ensuring peace, stability, co-operation as well as prosperity for the region.New challenges will, however, continue to emerge to test the resolve of the partnership. This book examines some of the areas of convergence and divergence and the possible trajectories of the development of ASEAN-China relations.

International Relations in Southeast Asia
  • Between Bilateralism and Multilateralism
  • Edited by N. Ganesan, Ramses Amer
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    18 November 2017
    Print publication:
    16 July 2010
  • "For observers outside of Southeast Asia, this book opens up a world of conflicts, rivalries, and reconciliations that is terra incognita. It is easy to assume that all is well under the consensual Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) umbrella. These expert authors detail the sometimes stormy and often tense bilateral relationships in the region. In doing so they delineate the profound contribution that ASEAN has made to regional security and cooperation, but at the same time they show the limits of multilateralism as a mode of conflict resolution. Etel Solingen's introductory essay provides an extensive analytical vocabulary for regional politics, and the other authors have fascinating stories to tell about the interrelationships of Southeast Asia's states since 1975."- Brantly Womack, Hugh S. & Winifred B. Cumming Memorial Professor of International Affairs, University of Virginia"The international relations of Southeast Asia has been so dominated by academic studies focusing on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations that 'everyday interstate politics' has been eclipsed. This volume by N. Ganesan and Ramses Amer redresses this neglect. International Relations in Southeast Asia: Between Bilateralism and Multilateralism includes nine empirically rich case studies focused on the management of persistent bilateral tensions involving eight of the region's states. This collection will appeal to a wide audience of students, academics, and regional security specialists due to the diversity and expertise of its contributors and its up-to-date analysis."- Carlyle A. Thayer, Professor, The University of New South Wales at the Australian Defence Force Academy, Canberra"The volume edited by Ganesan and Amer is a welcome departure from the academic theoretical focus on the regionalist enterprise of ASEAN. As the aspirational goal of an ASEAN community becomes increasingly elusive - if not illusory - this book explains in real policy terms the challenge to the political efficacy of ASEAN's multilateral fora, constrained as they are by consensus, non-interference, and fiercely defended state sovereignty. In detailed and sharply etched studies of the key bilateral interests and issues at the state level, the authors demonstrate that rather than recourse to the multilateral diplomatic platform represented by ASEAN, the preferred national mechanisms for the critical areas of cooperation and conflict will continue to be bilateral and the practices of traditional statecraft."- Donald E. Weatherbee, Russell Distinguished Professor Emeritus, University of South Carolina

Energy Efficiency in Japan
  • Edited by Agung Wicaksono
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    18 November 2017
    Print publication:
    02 April 2008
  • Energy efficiency has become one of the most important aspects in the global energy outlook today. The depletion of fossil fuels as energy resources and global warming make it imperative for us to consider energy efficiency policies and measures as an important priority for policy-makers and every responsible global citizen.Japan has been a leading country in the area of energy efficiency. Since the 1970s when the oil crisis hit, Japan, which depends almost wholly on imported energy supplies from abroad, has been conducting various efforts on energy conservation and diversification of energy sources. As a result, Japan has achieved the lowest primary energy consumption per GDP in the world. Asian countries should learn from Japan’s success in this area, especially since their economic growth is predicted to be one of the primary drivers for growth in global energy demand.The chapters in this book are based on presentations on Japan’s energy efficiency and conservation at ISEAS Energy Forums.

Mirror Images in Different Frames?
  • Johor, the Riau Islands, and Competition for Investment from Singapore
  • Francis E. Hutchinson
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    15 November 2017
    Print publication:
    02 April 2015
  • In the early 1990s, Singapore, the Malaysian state of Johor, and the Riau Islands in Indonesia sought to leverage their proximity, differing factor endowments, and good logistics connections to market themselves as an integrated unit. Beyond national-level support in all three countries, the initiative had the support of state and provincial leaders in Johor and Riau, respectively.Now, however, the situation is markedly different. The Malaysian government and its Johorean equivalent have invested considerable resources in encouraging closer integration with Singapore. For its part, the Indonesian central government has been promoting special economic zones and export-oriented activities. However, the provincial government of the Riau Islands has turned away from export-oriented industrialization, preferring instead to promote cultural sub-nationalism and traditional economic activities such as fishing and small-scale farming. This development is counter-intuitive. Traditional fiscal federalism theory argues that decentralization encourages competition between provinces for investment, jobs, and growth. While Indonesia has undergone one of the world's most far-reaching decentralization reforms, Malaysia has pursued a consistent centralization campaign at the expense of state governments. Thus, we would expect the Riau Islands' entrepreneurial drive to be unleashed, and Johor's to be smothered. However, Johor's drive for capital is undiminished, while the Riau Islands' pursuit of investment has dissipated. This monograph will explore the reasons for this paradox.'This book provides a path-breaking analysis of how Johor and the Riau Islands have competed with each other for FDI from Singapore in the electronics sector. It sheds light on how the institutional and incentive structures facing these regions have encouraged or discouraged policy innovation and dynamism. The rigorous analysis of financial and investment data in this book provides a convincing challenge to the conventional wisdom that proximity and cost differentials inevitably lead to closer economic integration.' - Professor Shujiro Urata, Waseda University

  • 5 - Services Sector Liberalization in Singapore: Case of the Logistics Sector

  • Edited by Siew Yean Tham, Sanchita Basu Das
  • Book:
    Services Liberalization in ASEAN
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    04 July 2018
    Print publication:
    14 November 2017, pp 148-180

  • Summary

    Introduction

    Singapore's economy has been growing at a tepid pace since 2012 due to a modest performance of the US economy, uncertainties surrounding the European Union (EU), weak growth in the East Asian region, particularly with China's structural economic slowdown and, a general slowdown in global trade. During 2011–16, Singapore's real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew at an average rate of 3.8 per cent per annum, compared to an average of 7.3 per cent during 2002–7 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2017a). The lackluster output is matched by an unemployment rate of around 2 per cent during 2011–16 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2017b). It has been estimated that the economy will grow at a rate of 1–3 per cent in 2016 (Ministry of Trade and Industry Singapore 2017).

    It is during this time of restrained economic outlook that Singapore is also undergoing a structural adjustment. In 2010, the city-state embarked on a ten-year programme to boost its productivity growth to 2 to 3 per cent per annum, from around 1 per cent during the 2000s (Economic Strategies Committee 2010). The target was to be achieved by curbing the growth of low-skilled foreign labour supply, encouraging capital deepening and increasing automation. Programmes were put in place to help the local workforce to develop new skills according to new growth areas. While the manufacturing sector had undergone restructuring several times in past decades, it was the first time the entire economy was subject to such a process. Since then, this strive for transformation has been a challenge for domestic-oriented businesses, particularly those in the services sector, which are trying hard to lower their dependence on foreign labour and re-position themselves by investing in technology and talent (Menon 2015).

    A further policy boost came in February 2017, when Singapore released the Committee on the Future Economy (CFE) Report that laid down seven strategies to secure the city-state's economic success over the longer term.

Page 165 of 760