The anti-mafia operation undertaken in Sicily by the fledgling Fascist government had a powerful symbolic meaning in the construction of the ‘new state’. As a result, it left behind a wealth of sources: from the diaries of the prefect Cesare Mori and Alfredo Cucco, the Fascist Party’s representative in Sicily, to the many trials against ‘criminal associations’ from 1927 onwards. These sources are at the centre of a historiographical debate that dates back to the 1980s, and which has recently brought to light numerous elements of the complex relationship between Fascism and the Sicilian Mafia. In contrast, despite a similar level of publicity, the law and order operation launched in the same year of 1926 in Campania, in the province of Caserta, has largely been forgotten, and has received little historical analysis. This article presents the early results of research into the Fascist suppression of the mafia in Campania in 1926 and 1927, focusing on the city of Naples and the province of Caserta (Terra di Lavoro). An initial study of judicial sources suggests that, unlike Sicily, the notion of ‘organised crime’ that underpinned the inquiries was largely denied in the final verdicts.

Based on Roberto Saviano's book Gomorra (2006), production of the TV series Gomorra – La serie (2014) was met with scepticism as many feared it would glamorise organised crime and, consequently, attract young people toward Camorra affiliation. The series' bleak portrayal of criminals and criminality was offered as a response to such concerns. Despite the preoccupations, Gomorra – La serie was hugely successful and, because of its quality, was sold to other countries. In Italy, the series' success can be measured by the popularity of its Twitter hashtag #GomorraLaSerie. Engaged with Henry Jenkins' theories of media convergence and based on a corpus of tweets bearing this official hashtag, this article proposes a quantitative analysis and advances conclusions regarding the Italian TV audience and second-screen viewing practices. Additionally, through a qualitative study of Saviano's tweets about the series, it examines the writer's use of the social media platform as a tool of narrative continuity. Finally, the article highlights a few examples of fan-generated media and concludes with remarks regarding Saviano's problematic position at the centre of a transmedia object.

This article examines the coverage of Naples since 2000 in the Guardian and the Independent, paying particular attention to their portrayal of the Camorra and the refuse crisis. It argues that this coverage was not simply riddled with stereotypes but was also characterised by significant inaccuracies and omissions. Analysts in Italy have detailed how the trash emergency in 2008 was the outcome of corporate malpractice and institutional complicity and that organised crime, although intent on exploiting the situation, was not a determining factor. The British press, instead, tended to conflate the breakdown of the urban waste cycle with the dumping of toxic waste and, by inverting cause and effect, to point the blame at the Camorra. These accounts, it is argued, are partially explained by the very nature of foreign news that seeks out dramatic and clearcut stories for an otherwise disinterested audience. They also reflect the heightened interest in the Camorra following the Secondigliano War and the English translation of Roberto Saviano's Gomorrah. However, the article suggests that it is the press's assumption that Naples is already an ‘out of the ordinary’ urban setting that ultimately precludes the possibility of an informed coverage of the city and its predicaments.