In the UK, food banks and other forms of food aid have become a normalised support mechanism for those living at the sharp end of poverty. Drawing from accounts of those who have used, worked, and volunteered in two of England’s food banks during the Covid-19 pandemic, this article explores some of the key challenges that emerged for food aid during this unique period. In documenting these experiences, the paper concurs with previous work that has identified the expanding role of food banks in providing core welfare support, suggesting an increasingly extended welfare function of food aid. This has implications for understanding the effectiveness of welfare – and the appropriateness of our reliance on voluntary aid – in the post-pandemic period.

The present paper reviews the growing body of literature on food insecurity and food bank use in the UK. It provides an overview of food insecurity in this context, followed by a description of the emergence of food banks, highlighting how any role that food banks play in the food insecure population is limited. Data on food insecurity and food bank use suggest many people experiencing food insecurity do not receive help from food banks. To better understand the factors influencing the relationship between food insecurity and food bank use, a conceptual framework is outlined, suggesting the relationship is far from straightforward and contingent on many factors. The nature and availability of food banks and other local support services and individual-level factors influence the likelihood of food banks being used in the context of food insecurity. Then, the extent to which food banks can impact food insecurity is also dependent on the quantity and quality of food distributed, as well as other support services offered from food banks. Closing reflections highlight rising living costs and food banks reporting that they do not have capacity to cope with increasing demand, underscoring the need for policy interventions. Reliance on food banks to respond to food insecurity may ultimately impede formulation of effective policy interventions to reduce food insecurity, giving the illusion of widespread available support, whilst food insecurity persists among those receiving help from food banks and those who experience food insecurity but do not use food banks.

The on-going rise in demand experienced by voluntary and community organisations (VCOs) providing emergency food aid has been described as a sign of a social and public health crisis in the UK (Loopstra, 2018; Lambie-Mumford, 2019), compounded since 2020 by the impact of (and responses to) Covid 19 (Power et al., 2020). In this article we adopted a social practice approach to understanding the work of food bank volunteering. We identify how ‘helping others’, ‘deploying coping strategies’ and ‘creating atmospheres’ are key specific (and connected) forms of shared social practice. Further, these practices are sometimes suffused by faith-based practice. The analysis offers insights into how such spaces of care and encounter (Williams et al., 2016; Cloke et al., 2017) function, considers the implications for these distinctive organisational forms (the growth of which has been subject to justified critique) and suggests avenues for future research.

In this paper we explore whether the recent rise in food bank usage in the UK has been induced by the roll-out of Universal Credit. We bring together official statistics on the introduction of Universal Credit with data on food bank usage from the UK’s largest food bank network. We test the relationship between Universal Credit and food parcel distribution using a range of causal identification strategies (such as fixed-effects model, Granger causality tests, and matching designs) and consistently find that an increase in the prevalence of Universal Credit is associated with more food parcel distribution. We also find that the relationship between Universal Credit and food parcel distribution is stronger in areas where food banks are active, suggesting food insecurity arising from Universal Credit may be hidden in places where food banks are largely unavailable. Though it is challenging to implement any large-scale change to social security, our analysis suggests systemic and persistent problems with this new system. Whilst the logic of Universal Credit is intuitively appealing, it has also proven to be unforgiving, leaving many struggling to make ends meet.

This paper explores how the staff of İstanbul’s food banks perceive the donors and the donations. The paper begins by exploring the literature on food banks; what food banks recover and redistribute; and the role food banks play in managing food insecurity. Next, how these three issues are represented in different models of food banks are discussed: in the non-profit model, the donors are “socially aware citizens” who contribute to the common good by helping to feed the hungry; whereas, for the for-profit model they are “caring capitalists” doing their best to reduce their carbon footprint and eliminate food waste while effectively managing the costs of waste disposal. In the municipal social markets, in contrast, the donors are “prodigal consumers” who cannot make correct resource allocation decisions and waste food as a result. For all the models, the donors are predominantly individuals or households and waste generation is perceived as a consumer problem, whereas in practice the donors are mostly corporations giving away their surplus stock. The paper concludes by underlining that this misperception shifts the conversation on waste generation and management away from production and supply chain problems and disciplines individuals as consumers.

Food bank use in Great Britain has risen substantially over the last decade. The considerable socioeconomic disadvantage of the food bank user population has been documented, but little research has examined whether housing problems intersect with insecure food access. Using data from 598 households accessing assistance from twenty-four food banks operating in Great Britain in 2016–2017, we found that nearly 18 per cent of households were homeless, with more having experienced homelessness in the past twelve months. Renters from both the private and social rented sectors were also overrepresented in the sample. Households in both private and social rented housing reported high rates of rent arrears and poor conditions; those in private housing were also more likely to live in homes with damp, to have moved in past year, and to be worried about a forced move in future. Overall, housing problems are widespread among food bank users; policy interventions are needed.

Household food insecurity is a serious public health concern in high-income countries. Canada and the USA regularly monitor household food insecurity, while in other countries, such as the UK, it has been the rapid rise of food bank usage that has drawn increased attention to this longstanding, but largely overlooked, problem. This review evaluates evidence on interventions intended to reduce household food insecurity in high-income countries. Research on social protection interventions suggests both cash transfers and food subsidies (e.g. the US Supplement Nutrition and Assistance Programme) reduce household food insecurity. In contrast, research on community-level interventions, such as food banks and other food programmes, suggests limited impacts. Although food banks have become a common intervention for food insecurity in high-income countries, evidence suggests their reliance on donations of volunteer time and food make them inevitably limited in the assistance they are able to provide. The stigma people feel using food banks may also make them untenable. Alternatives to, or enhanced, food banks such as community shops or community kitchens, have become common, but evidence also suggests they may be limited in effectiveness if they do not reach people experiencing food insecurity. This review highlights the difficulty of trying to address household food insecurity with community-based food interventions when solutions likely lie upstream in social protection policies.

This article provides quantitative analysis of a self-reported measure of food bank use in the UK, adding to a sparse evidence base. Evidence from fifteen deprived communities in Glasgow is used to examine the scale of food bank use and to consider its relationship with socio-demographic, health, and financial variables. Being affected by welfare reforms was found to increase the likelihood of food bank use. Young men and those with mental health problems were found to be more likely than others to have used a food bank. Food banks appear to be used by groups who are being under-served by the welfare state and suffering the most acute impacts of austerity. The very low prevalence of food bank use among those who struggle to afford food points to their inadequacy as a response to food insecurity.

Nutritional intakes of food bank recipients and consequently their health status largely rely on the availability and quality of donated food in provided food parcels. In this cross-sectional study, the nutritional quality of ninety-six individual food parcels was assessed and compared with the Dutch nutritional guidelines for a healthy diet. Furthermore, we assessed how food bank recipients use the contents of the food parcel. Therefore, 251 Dutch food bank recipients from eleven food banks throughout the Netherlands filled out a general questionnaire. The provided amounts of energy (19 849 (sd 162 615) kJ (4744 (sd 38 866) kcal)), protein (14·6 energy percentages (en%)) and SFA (12·9 en%) in a single-person food parcel for one single day were higher than the nutritional guidelines, whereas the provided amounts of fruits (97 (sd 1441) g) and fish (23 (sd 640) g) were lower. The number of days for which macronutrients, fruits, vegetables and fish were provided for a single-person food parcel ranged from 1·2 (fruits) to 11·3 (protein) d. Of the participants, only 9·5 % bought fruits and 4·6 % bought fish to supplement the food parcel, 39·4 % used all foods provided and 75·7 % were (very) satisfied with the contents of the food parcel. Our study shows that the nutritional content of food parcels provided by Dutch food banks is not in line with the nutritional guidelines. Improving the quality of the parcels is likely to positively impact the dietary intake of this vulnerable population subgroup.

Since the 2008 crisis, there has been a sharp rise in demand for food aid across high-income countries, spurring increased academic interest in the issue of food insecurity. Despite this heightened interest, there remains a paucity of quantitative evidence on trends in the prevalence of food insecurity in rich countries. In this context, the following article presents ‘direct’ evidence on recent patterns of food insecurity across countries and welfare regimes using secondary analysis of the European Quality of Life Survey. It uses an item which has been a longstanding component of deprivation scales, ‘could your household afford a meal with meat, chicken or fish every second day if you wanted it?’, to investigate two hypotheses. First, we explore whether food insecurity has risen since the 2008 crisis as the rise in food aid suggests. Second, we examine if this rise has varied across welfare regimes, if it has occurred at all. The article finds evidence to support both contentions: food insecurity has risen across many European countries and has varied by welfare regime. It also finds that contrary to expectations, the sharpest rise was in the Anglo-Saxon countries of Ireland and the UK, rather than Southern or Eastern European countries.

This article reflects on the insights afforded by the regular measurement and monitoring of household food insecurity in Canada juxtaposed against information on food bank usage in the population. We show that the number and characteristics of people using food banks suggest that this population is a non-representative subset of the food insecure population. We also highlight how the number of people using food banks is insensitive to the level of household food insecurity in the population. Who goes to food banks is a function of the nature of food bank operations and the severity of food insecurity. Representative data on household food insecurity should be regularly collected and utilised to make policy recommendations for interventions to address the problem of insecure food access.

In the United Kingdom many households are seeing their food security suffer through rising food and fuel prices, economic recession and welfare reform. Household budgeting priorities by necessity tend to be towards expenditures whose default consequences are severe; food budgets are where people can and do make economies. People manage variously on minimal diets, food gifts and charitable support, but the consequences in terms of social wellbeing and nutritional health, while potentially severe, are hidden and individually embodied rather than monitored and addressed by society. This article discusses the potential consequences of these shifts in household food provisioning under conditions of increasing austerity. The challenges posed for social policy are explored, particularly in relation to changes in welfare provision, the increasingly prominent role of the voluntary and community sector and potential devolution of responsibilities to local levels.