This article examines the introduction of the medical mask in the late nineteenth century at the intersection of surgery, bacteriology and infection control. During this important episode in the longer history of the medical mask, respiratory protection became a tool of targeted germ control. In 1897, the surgeon Johannes Mikulicz at the University of Breslau (now Wroclaw, Poland), drawing on the bacteriological experiments of his colleague Carl Flügge, used a piece of gauze in front of his nose and mouth as a barrier against microorganisms moving from him to his patients. This article explores the social, cultural and medical contexts of this particular use of the mask, in connection with germ theory and surgeons’ struggle with wound infection. It explores the alignment of the new aseptic surgery with the emerging field of bacteriology in a local milieu that favoured interdisciplinary cooperation. The account also follows the uptake of the mask outside of surgery for other anti-infectious purposes and shows how the new type of anti-infectious mask spread simultaneously in operating rooms as well as in hospitals and sanatoria, and eventually in epidemic contexts.

Neonatal mortality in puppies is a problem frequently encountered by dog breeders. Often, only postmortem examination allows diagnosis and implementation of measures to save the rest of the litter. This article presents the key steps of the postmortem examination, namely, autopsy, histopathology, bacteriology, molecular identification of pathogens, and coproscopy. Sampling, samples' conservation, and interpretation of the obtained results are presented as well as their relative importance for the final diagnosis. Finally, examples of the most frequent syndromes observed under postmortem examination in canine newborns, together with the results from a complementary analysis looking for infectious agents responsible for death, are discussed.

Between 1880 and 1920 the medical quest to unearth the causes of disease saw two pathbreaking discoveries. One was the bacteriological revolution – the identification of specific germs as causal agents of specific diseases (anthrax, tuberculosis, diphtheria, cholera and so on), and the simultaneous effort to develop disinfection techniques and immunisation measures to combat these diseases. The other was the rediscovery of Mendel’s laws of heredity and the resulting emergence of medical genetics, where an entire set of medical maladies (deafness, blindness, bodily deformities, haemophilia, Huntington’s chorea, feeble-mindedness and many mental diseases) were identified – rightly or wrongly – as genetically determined. The ‘germ theory of disease’ and the ‘gene theory of disease’ shared striking, all-too-often overlooked similarities. Both theories built on shared epistemological assumptions that influenced their explanatory mechanisms and their overall conceptual frameworks; both mobilised similar visual and linguistic vocabulary; both appropriated – and enforced – prevailing cultural and gender norms; and both enshrined broadly parallel hygienic practices. Reflecting similar social concerns, medical bacteriology and medical genetics acquired kindred scientific and societal configurations, which this paper highlights and scrutinises.

In the early twentieth century, scientists at the Pasteur Institute and its colonial affiliates developed a historically specific form of bacteriological technoscience, which abstracted the human–microbe relationship from its environmental and social context, and created a model for public health governance that operated at the scale of the empire, rather than at the level of individual colonies or regions. Using a case study of tuberculosis management, this article argues that the success of the Pastorian model relied on its technopolitical vision of a universal model of managing human–microbe relations, while, in reality, exploiting precisely those fissures created by the uneven political and scientific landscape of the colonial and scientific world in which it operated. Pastorian bacteriology helped imperial administrators to imagine a globe-spanning, standardized empire, while restricting public health governance to technological innovations, rather than a proposal for social hygiene that would have expanded labour and associational rights for subject populations.

The enteric pathogens causing diarrhoea impair children's health severely. This study retrospectively analysed 1577 pathogens isolated from inpatients and outpatients in six hospitals located in Northern (Inner Mongolia), Northeastern (Hebei), Eastern (Shanghai and Jiangsu), Southern (Hainan) and Central (Hubei) China between 2008 and 2013. Of the 1577 enteric pathogens, Salmonella presented with the highest frequency (36·0%), followed by diarrhoeagenic Escherichia coli (23·7%), Staphylococcus aureus (15·0%), Shigella (13·1%), and Aeromonas (4·6%). The predominant pathogens varied in different regions of China, with Salmonella most prevalent in Shanghai and Hainan, diarrhoeagenic E. coli most prevalent in Inner Mongolia, Jiangsu and Hubei, and Shigella most prevalent in Hebei. Enteric pathogens were more frequently isolated in males (56·9%) than in females (43·1%). The highest proportion of all enteric pathogens was found in infants (67·6%) with a peak in summer and autumn (68·5%). Antimicrobial susceptibility assay demonstrated that Shigella was more resistant to ampicillin, ceftriaxone and sulfamethoxazole than Salmonella. Of the top two serotypes in Salmonella, Typhimurium was more resistant to ciprofloxacin, sulfamethoxazole and chloramphenicol than Enteritidis (P < 0·001). Meanwhile, the resistance rates of Shigella flexneri against ampicillin/sulbactam, ciprofloxacin, and chloramphenicol were significantly higher than those of Shigella sonnei (P < 0·001). Multidrug resistance was apparent in 58·2% of Shigella and 45·9% of Salmonella, and this phenomenon was more pronounced in S. flexneri.

This paper analyses how the Colombian medical elites made sense of typhoid fever before and during the inception of bacteriological ideas and practices in the second half of the nineteenth century. Assuming that the identity of typhoid fever has to be understood within the broader concerns of the medical community in question, I show how doctors first identified Bogotá’s epidemics as typhoid fever during the 1850s, and how they also attached specificity to the fever amongst other continuous fevers, such as its European and North American counterparts. I also found that, in contrast with the discussions amongst their colleagues from other countries, debates about typhoid fever in 1860–70 among doctors in Colombia were framed within the medico-geographical scheme and strongly shaped by the fear of typhoid fever appearing alongside ‘paludic’ fevers in the highlands. By arguing in medico-geographical and clinical terms that typhoid fever had specificity in Colombia, and by denying the medico-geographical law of antagonism between typhoid and paludic fevers proposed by the Frenchman Charles Boudin, Colombian doctors managed to question European knowledge and claimed that typhoid fever had distinct features in Colombia. The focus on paludic and typhoid fevers in the highlands might explain why the bacteriological aetiology of typhoid fever was ignored and even contested during the 1880s. Anti-Pasteurian arguments were raised against its germ identity and some physicians even supported the idea of spontaneous origin of the disease. By the 1890s, Pasteurian knowledge had come to shape clinical and hygienic practices.

The population structure of Staphylococcus aureus is changing globally but the situation regarding dominant clones in sub-Saharan Africa is not clear. We therefore assessed changes in the population structure of clinical S. aureus isolates obtained in 2007 (n = 75) and 2012 (n = 75) from Northeastern Nigeria. A reduction in resistance to penicillin, gentamicin, erythromycin and clindamycin was observed in 2012. A decrease of methicillin resistance rates (13·3% to 8·0%) was associated with the decline of the ST241 MRSA clone. The proportion of Panton–Valentine leukocidin (PVL)-positive isolates also decreased from 65·3% to 44%, and was linked with the emergence of PVL-negative ST601 clone in 2012. The significant decline in antibiotic resistance in the study area is in contrast to the worldwide trend of increasing resistance rates.

In recent years, human leptospirosis has been reported in Jinping and Liping counties, Guizhou province, but the leptospires have never been isolated. To track the source of infection and understand the aetiological characteristics, we performed surveillance for field mice carriage of leptospirosis in 2011. Four strains of leptospire were isolated from Apodemus agrarius. PCR confirmed the four isolates as pathogenic. Multiple-locus variable-number tandem repeat analysis (MLVA) showed that the four strains were closely related to serovar Lai strain 56601 belonging to serogroup Icterohaemorrhagiae, which is consistent with the antibody detection results from local patients. Furthermore, the diversity of leptospiral isolates from different hosts and regions was demonstrated with MLVA. Our results suggest that A. agrarius may be the main carrier of Leptospira in Jinping and Liping counties, and the serogroup Icterohaemorrhagiae serovar may be the epidemic serogroup of Leptospira. This will contribute to the control and prevention of leptospirosis in these localities.

The food court at a shopping mall is a potential transfer point for pathogenic microbes, but to date, this environment has not been the subject of detailed molecular microbiological study. We used a combination of culture-based and culture-independent approaches to investigate the types and numbers of bacteria present on food court tables, and on a food court cleaning cloth. Bacteria were found at 102–105 c.f.u./m2 on food court tables and 1010 c.f.u./m2 on the cleaning cloth. Tag-pyrosequencing of amplified 16S rRNA genes revealed that the dominant bacterial types on the cleaning cloth were genera known to include pathogenic species (Stenotrophomonas, Aeromonas), and that these genera were also evident at lower levels on table surfaces, suggesting possible cross-contamination. The evidence suggests a public health threat is posed by bacteria in the food court, and that this may be due to cross-contamination between cleaning equipment and table surfaces.

This paper examines the origins of aseptic surgery in the German-speaking countries. It interprets asepsis as the outcome of a mutual realignment of surgery and laboratory science. In that process, phenomena of surgical reality were being modelled and simplified in the bacteriological laboratory so that they could be subjected to control by the researcher’s hands and eyes. Once control was achieved, it was being extended to surgical practice by recreating the relevant features of the controlled laboratory environment in the surgical work place. This strategy can be seen in the adoption of Robert Koch’s bacteriology by German-speaking surgeons, and the resulting technical changes of surgery, leading to a set of beliefs and practices, which eventually came to be called ‘asepsis’.

The study's objectives were to determine herd- and animal-level prevalence and herd-level risk factors for Salmonella in dairy-bred veal calves at slaughter in Denmark. In total, 1296 faecal samples were collected at five cattle abattoirs in Denmark during 2007–2008. The animals came from 71 randomly selected specialized veal-calf producers that delivered more than 100 animals to slaughter per year. Salmonella Dublin bacteria were isolated from 19 samples from 12 herds and Salmonella Typhimurium was isolated from one sample. The apparent prevalence of herds delivering Salmonella-shedding animals to slaughter was 18% (95% CI 9–27). The overall estimated true prevalence of shedding calves at slaughter was 1·3%. Veal-calf herds that purchased animals from herds not classified as low risk in the Danish Salmonella surveillance programme had significantly (P=0·03) higher risk of delivering Salmonella-shedding calves to slaughter. The results emphasize the importance of efforts in the dairy industry to ensure food safety for consumers.

The phage types and antimicrobial susceptibilities of 226 isolates of Salmonella enterica serovar Typhi from imported cases in Japan between 2001 and 2006 were investigated. Most (93·8%) had travelled to Asian countries, particularly South East Asia. Twenty-one phage types were identified with E1 (30·5%), UVS (15·9%) and B1 (9·3%) being the most common. The frequency of multidrug-resistant strains reached 37·0% in 2006 with phage types E1 and E9 predominating. Almost half (48·2%) of the isolates were resistant to nalidixic acid and two isolates displayed high-level fluoroquinolone resistance. Three mutations, two in gyrA and one in parC, were identified in both isolates.

Background: In children, a diagnosis of rhinosinusitis is usually made on clinical grounds. Subacute rhinosinusitis (SRS) may be the cause of persistent cough, low-grade fever, snoring, ear problems and difficult feeding in children under the age of two years.

Objective: To compare the efficacy of culture-based antibiotics and empiric amoxicillin–clavulanate (40 mg/kg/day) in treating SRS in children under the age of two years.

Study design: Randomized, controlled study.

Population: Sixty children with persistent nasal discharge and nasal obstruction (and other related symptoms) for 30–90 days.

Methods: Group one (n = 30) received culture-based antibiotics and group two (n = 30) were treated empirically with 40 mg/kg/day of amoxicillin–clavulanate. Treatment was continued for two weeks.

Results: At the end of the three-week follow-up period, statistically significant greater improvements in nasal obstruction (p = 0.037) and nasal discharge (p = 0.003) were seen in group one compared with group two.

Conclusion: culture-based antibiotics were more efficacious than empiric amoxicillin–clavulanate (40 mg/kg/day) in treating SRS in children under the age of two years.

Escherichia coli JM109 (Gram-negative) and Bacillus subtilis (Gram-positive) were grown under hypobaric conditions for 19 days at 25 °C to study the effects of 33 and 67 kPa low pressures on selected physiological responses; growth, cytoplasmic membrane polarization (measure of cytoplasmic membrane fluidity) and total cellular fatty acids. In the first experiment, cytoplasmic membrane polarization in B. subtilis increased under both hypobaric conditions, indicating the membrane became more rigid or less fluid. This experiment was repeated and the effect of the hypobaric conditions was not evident as in the first experiment with B. subtilis. In addition, total cellular fatty acids analysis for B. subtilis showed that hypobaric conditions did not alter the ratio of saturated to unsaturated fatty acids. The cytoplasmic membrane remained in the same fluid state in hypobaric grown E. coli cell cultures as in the 101 kPa ambient control cells in both experiments. However, the saturated to unsaturated ratios were altered in E. coli under hypobaric conditions. It is important to note the ratios for E. coli were less than 1, while the ratios for Bacillus were in the 28–50 range. Growth of both species was also measured by colony forming units at the termination of the 19 day experiment. Both bacterial species were capable of growth under hypobaric conditions and no distinct trend emerged as to the effect of hypobaric pressure on bacterial growth and cytoplasmic membrane fluidity.