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This chapter analyses the policies of populist radical right party-led local governments in Austria, France, Italy and Switzerland. It assesses the extent to which their party ideology is evident. The analysis concerns three forms of policy: policy agendas, budgetary spending and policy designs. Each enables a different form of comparison to be made, through which the impact made by the parties and its cross-national variation is assessed. First, analysis of agendas reveals their policy priorities once elected into local government. These are compared with mainstream parties in similar contexts. Second, analysis of budgets shows the extent to which these priorities were realized in the form of spending. Comparison here is made with the preceding mainstream party-led local government in the same context. Third, analysis of their policies’ framing of target populations, policy tools and policy rationales demonstrates the varying extent to which they generate social constructions that align with party ideology. The leadership of local government by populist radical right parties in Western Europe is shown to lead to contrasting degrees and forms of policy impact.
In China's one-party bureaucracy, central directives issued by the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council are the most important instrument of formal policy communication, yet their language has rarely been studied. This study highlights three politically salient varieties of directives: grey (ambiguous about what can or cannot be done), black (clearly states what can be done) and red (clearly states what cannot be done). Grey directives encourage flexible policy implementation and experimentation, black ones strongly endorse and thereby scale up selected initiatives, while red ones forbid certain actions. Together, this mixture of ambiguous and clear directives forms a system of adaptive policy communication. Using automated text analysis, I classify nearly 5,000 central directives issued from 1978 through 2017 into the categories of grey, black and red. This first-of-its-kind measurement effort yields new insights into the patterns and evolution of central commands from Deng Xiaoping to Xi Jinping.
This chapter concludes with thoughts about how democratic activists might be able to remove crony capitalism from institutions. The chapter argues that transparency about the depth of corruption is a necessary first step, especially in terms of understanding who controls rents in the regime. Only when these networks of influence are mapped can democratic accountability start to lead to lasting change.
The European Union is a key player in determining policies and politics in Europe, and yet understanding how it works remains a challenge. The Politics of the European Union introduces students to its functioning by showing the similarities and differences between the EU and national political systems. Fully revised and updated in its third edition, this introductory textbook uses the tools of comparative politics to explore the history, theories, institutions, key actors, politics and policy-making of the EU. This comparative approach enables students to apply their knowledge of domestic politics and broader debates in political science to better understand the EU. Numerous real-world examples guide students through the textbook, and chapter briefings, fact files and controversy boxes highlight the important and controversial issues in EU politics. A companion website features free 'Navigating the EU' exercises to guide students in their analysis of EU policy-making.
This Element comprehensively scrutinizes the key issue of the accountability of policy-makers in democratic governance. The electoral punishment of the incumbents, parliamentary control of the government, and sanctions in the case of administrative misconduct or negligence are the most visible manifestations of accountability in politics. However, the phenomenon is much more complex, and fully understanding such a multifaceted object requires bridging bodies of work that usually remain disjointed. This Element assesses the effectiveness of vertical accountability through elections and how interinstitutional accountability operates in checks-and-balances systems, along with the growing role of the courts. It evaluates how the accountability of the bureaucracy has been affected by managerial reforms and different governance transformations. It also scrutinizes to what extent mediatization and policy failure boost accountability, before zooming in on the feelings and reactions of those who are held accountable. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This chapter provides a detailed systematic overview of the operational rules of seven prominent standards development organizations, each having a different institutional background and developing different types of ICT standards, namely: ITU, ETSI, 3GPP, IEEE, IETF, W3C, and Bluetooth SIG. It examines these bodies’ governance rules, such as their membership admissions, composition of decision-making bodies, policy-making processes, mechanisms for appeal and review of their officers’ decisions, and their Intellectual Property Rights policies and offers comparative observations to the extent that the different institutional settings of these organizations allow.
Policy-making concerned with animals often includes human interests, such as economy, trade, environmental protection, disease control, species conservation etc. When it comes to the interests of the animals, such policy-making often makes use of the results of animal welfare science to provide assessments of ethically relevant concerns for animals. This has provided a scientific rigour that has helped to overcome controversies and allowed debates to move forward according to generally agreed methodologies. However, this focus can lead to policies leaving out other important issues relevant to animals. This can be considered as a problem of what is included in welfare science, or of what is included in policy. This suggests two possible solutions: expanding animal welfare science to address all ethical concerns about animals’ interests or widening the perspective considered in policymaking to encompass other important ethical concerns about animals than welfare. The latter appears the better option. This requires both a ‘philosophy of animal welfare science’, a ‘philosophy of decision-making about animals’, and greater transparency about what is included or excluded from both animal welfare science and the politics of animal policy.
Chapter 6 investigates the WHO’s malaria and tuberculosis control programs in the 1950s and 1960s, which made use of statistical collection and analysis. Numbers had become omnipresent in program design and implementation by this time, and experts at the WHO and in the Taiwanese government used their public health knowledge to justify their selection of statistics. WHO experts and Taiwanese health officers also used numbers to advocate for their programs. In particular, experts curated numbers to bolster their arguments in the context of ongoing policy debates at the WHO. Their ways of curating numbers were different as they occupied different positions within global health policy-making. Experts within the WHO mobilized their knowledge on the diseases in question to justify their selection of certain statistics over others, while their Taiwanese colleagues used numbers to present Taiwan as a viable testing ground for WHO policies, with a view to obtaining financial and technical support.
The introduction presents and summarises the core themes and approaches that appear throughout the book. It explains what rhetorical analyses can contribute to the field of historical research, including greater insights into the relationships between policy-makers, ‘the public’ and the mass media. It emphasises the significance of the language of policy justification, arguing that the content of official statements and press releases can provide insights into the perceived importance of local and global opinion. In other words, anticipated public reactions to government policies impact how policies are conceptualised. Moreover, it stresses the role that rhetoric plays in shaping identity, legitimacy and power. Specifically, rhetoric played an important part in shaping British–Vichy–Free French relations through arguments over who represented the 'true France' and how Britain fits into the Franco-British relationship.
In addition, the introduction explains how the book is organised, around a series of imperial flashpoints in the Franco-British relationship between 1940 and 1945. It outlines the content of each chapter, clarifying how they fit together and the larger picture that they present.
War of Words argues that the conflicts that erupted over French colonial territory between 1940 and 1945 are central to understanding British, Vichy and Free French policy-making throughout the war. By analysing the rhetoric that surrounded these clashes, Rachel Chin demonstrates that imperial holdings were valued as more than material and strategic resources. They were formidable symbols of power, prestige and national legitimacy. She shows that having and holding imperial territory was at the core of competing Vichy and Free French claims to represent the true French nation and that opposing images of Franco-British cooperation and rivalry were at the heart of these arguments. The selected case studies show how British-Vichy-Free French relations evolved throughout the war and demonstrate that the French colonial empire played a decisive role in these shifts.
Policy in coalition governments (a) depends on negotiations between parties that (b) continue between elections. No extant means of predicting policy—bargaining power indices, vote shares, seat shares, polling, veto players or measures of electoral competitiveness—recognizes both of these facts. We conceptualize, estimate and validate the first dynamic measure of parties’ bargaining leverage intended to predict policy and politics. We argue that those parties with the greatest leverage in policy negotiations are those with the highest probability of participating in an alternative government, were one to form. Combining a large set of political polls and an empirical coalition formation model developed with out-of-sample testing, we estimate coalition inclusion probabilities for parties in a sample of 21 parliamentary democracies at a monthly frequency over four decades. Applications to government spending and to the stringency of environmental policy show leverage from coalition inclusion probabilities to be strongly predictive while the primary alternatives—vote shares, seat shares and polls—are not.
We sought to determine who is involved in the care of a trauma patient.
Methods:
We recorded hospital personnel involved in 24 adult Priority 1 trauma patient admissions for 12 h or until patient demise. Hospital personnel were delineated by professional background and role.
Results:
We cataloged 19 males and 5 females with a median age of 50-y-old (interquartile range [IQR], 35.5-67.5). The average number of hospital personnel involved was 79.71 (standard deviation, 17.62; standard error 3.6). A median of 51.2% (IQR, 43.4%-59.8%) of personnel were first involved within hour 1. More personnel were involved in direct versus indirect care (median 54.5 [IQR, 47.5-67.0] vs 25.0 [IQR, 22.0-30.5]; P < 0.0001). Median number of health-care professionals and auxiliary staff were 74.5 (IQR, 63.5-90.5) and 6.0 (IQR, 5.0-7.0), respectively. More personnel were first involved in hospital locations external to the emergency department (median, 53.0 [IQR, 41.5-63.0] vs 27.5 [IQR, 24.0-30.0]; P < 0.0001). No differences existed in total personnel by Injury Severity Score (P = 0.1266), day (P = 0.7270), or time of admission (P = 0.2098).
Conclusions:
A large number of hospital personnel with varying job responsibilities respond to severe trauma. These data may guide hospital staffing and disaster preparedness policies.
At issue in the SNC-Lavalin scandal was a new tool of corporate criminal law: remediation agreements. Introduced in 2018, remediation agreements allow corporate diversion and create an alternative to the prosecution of corporations suspected of criminal wrongdoing. This article examines why the federal government adopted and chose this particular new tool. Drawing on a wide-ranging documentary record, I argue that this reform was the product of transnational lawmaking and the ongoing influence of Canada's international commitments to prohibit and punish foreign bribery. The article shows how international criticism of Canada's lacklustre anti–foreign bribery enforcement record catalyzed cross-national policy diffusion and learning from other states. This led Canada to adopt corporate diversion, which promised greater enforcement, and also led Canada to adopt a form of the practice with legislative and judicial limits that narrowed the chances of any company—including SNC-Lavalin—of obtaining a remediation agreement.
Archaeologists are increasingly publishing articles proclaiming the relevance of our field for contemporary global challenges, yet our research has little impact on other disciplines or on policy-making. Here, the author discusses three reasons for this impasse in relevance: archaeologists do not understand how relevance is constructed between fields; too little of our work follows a rigorous scientific epistemology; and we are confused about the target audiences for our messages concerning our discipline's relevance. The author suggests two strategies for moving forward: transdisciplinary collaborative research and the production of quantitative scientific results that will be useful to scientists in disciplines more closely involved in today's global challenges.
Many factors contribute to the problem, and it is not surprising therefore that a multifaceted response is needed to address it. Above all, it is essential to de-normalise alcohol-related violence if genuine and effective responses to the problem are to be found. This chapter maps out the relationship between alcohol and violence, and reviews both the key dimensions and dynamics of alcohol-related violence, and approaches to preventing it. In particular, it investigates topics of alcohol and violence, family and domestic violence, responsibilities of the different levels of government in Australia for preventing alcohol-related violence and family and domestic violence. It also investigates various challenges facing practitioners and policy-makers working in these areas, including competing ideological views about how best to prevent these offences, negative unintended consequences of adopting particular approaches, and urban versus rural issues that affect alcohol-related violence.
Policy-making in local public administrations is still largely based on intuition rather than being backed up by data and evidence. The goal of this work is to introduce the methodology and software tools for contributing toward transforming the existing intuition-based paradigm of policy-making into an evidence-driven approach enabled by heterogeneous sources of data already available in the city. More specifically, methods for data collection, efficient data storage, and data analysis are implemented to measure the economic activity, assess the environmental impact and evaluate the social consequences of certain policy decisions. Subsequently, the extracted pieces of evidence are used to inform, advise, monitor, evaluate, and revise the decisions made by policy planners. Our contribution in this work is on outlining and deploying an easily extendable system architecture to harmonize and analyze heterogeneous data sources in ways that are found to be useful for policy-makers. For evaluating this architecture, we examine the case of a controlled parking system in the city of Thessaloniki and try to optimize its operation by balancing effectively between economic growth, environmental protection, and citizen satisfaction.
News media play a role in politics through the portrayal of policies, influencing public and policymaker perceptions of appropriate solutions. This study explored the portrayal of sugar and sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) taxes in UK national newspapers. Findings aid understanding of the role newspapers play in shaping understanding and acceptance of policies such as the UK Soft Drink Industry Levy (SDIL).
Design:
Articles discussing sugar or SSB taxes published in six UK national newspapers between 1 April 2016 and 1 May 2019 were retrieved from the LexisNexis database. Articles were thematically analysed to reveal policy portrayal.
Setting/Participants:
Analysis of UK newspaper articles.
Results:
Two hundred and eighty-six articles were assessed. Sugar and SSB taxes were discussed across the sample period but publication peaked at SDIL announcement and introduction. Themes were split according to support for or opposition to taxation. Supportive messaging consistently highlighted the negative impacts of sugar on health and the need for complex actions to reduce sugar consumption. Opposing messages emphasised individual responsibility for health and the unfairness of taxation both for organisations and the public.
Conclusions:
Sugar and SSB taxes received considerable media attention between 2016 and 2019. All newspapers covered arguments in support of and opposition to taxation. Health impacts of excess sugar and the role of the soft drink industry in reducing sugar consumption were prevalent themes, suggesting a joined-up health advocacy approach. Industry arguments were more varied, suggesting a less collaborative argument. Further research should investigate how other media channels portray taxes such as the SDIL.
Disaster-related research funding in the United States has not been described. This study characterizes Federal funding for disaster-related research for 5 professional disciplines: medicine, public health, social science, engineering, emergency management.
Methods:
An online key word search was performed using the website, www.USAspending.gov, to identify federal awards, grants, and contracts during 2011–2016. A panel of experts then reviewed each entry for inclusion.
Results:
The search identified 9145 entries, of which 262 (3%) met inclusion criteria. Over 6 years, the Federal Government awarded US $69 325 130 for all disaster-related research. Total funding levels quadrupled in the first 3 years and then halved in the last 3 years. Half of the funding was for engineering, 3 times higher than social sciences and emergency management and 5 times higher than public health and medicine. Ten (11%) institutions received 52% of all funding. The search returned entries for only 12 of the 35 pre-identified disaster-related capabilities; 6 of 12 capabilities appear to have received no funding for at least 2 years.
Conclusion:
US federal funding for disaster-related research is limited and highly variable during 2011–2016. There are no clear reasons for apportionment. There appears to be an absence of prioritization. There does not appear to be a strategy for alignment of research with national disaster policies.