Localization of cultural production in the New Korean Wave Era: a case study of reality programs

Abstract

This article critically analyzes new cultural production in relation to reality shows to determine not only the major forces behind this new trend but also the future directions of Hallyu production. After discussing the recent surge of reality programs as a major part of broadcasting Hallyu, it uses Jinny’s Kitchen as a case study to discuss the ways in which reality shows develop (g)localization. It analyzes how Jinny’s Kitchen advances (g)localization in the process of production for global OTT platforms. Finally, it maps out whether Korea has become a new global force in utilizing (g)localization strategies to create a new form of cultural production by analyzing the form of relationships between global and local forces in the digital platform era.

Introduction

Since the early twenty-first century, the Korean Wave has dramatically shifted in terms of cultural production, mainly due to the increasing role of global digital platforms, including social media and OTT (over-the-top) platforms. Numerous cultural programs, such as Kingdom (2019; 2020), Squid Game 1 (2021), Squid Game 2 (2024), All of Us Are Dead (2022), Jung_E (2023), and The Glory (2022–2023), have gained global popularity on Netflix, while Moving (2023) aired on Disney+. As a result, local cultural creators, such as television producers and film directors, have had to reorient their production strategies to secure global audiences and production costs through global OTT platforms. The increasing role of global OTT platforms in Korea has transformed the globalization process of Korean cultural production.

While there have been various major shifts in cultural production in the digital platform era, the two most significant changes are the production of reality shows and OTT-platform-driven globalization. On the one hand, several reality programs are produced for global OTT platforms, although some programs still target domestic audiences. For example, Jinny’s Kitchen (2023), an entertainment program directed by Na Yeong-seok, debuted on Amazon Prime Video in February 2023, while Physical: 100 (2023) and Culinary Class Wars (2024) were produced for and aired on Netflix. Jinny’s Kitchen is the first Korean reality program available on Amazon’s streaming service, although numerous reality programs have already aired on Netflix.

On the other hand, a multitude of dramas and reality shows have been produced using various globalization strategies, including localization and glocalization. Jinny’s Kitchen – a cooking and travel show – is a spinoff series from cable channel tvN’s 2017 hit show Youn’s Kitchen. While the two seasons of Youn’s Kitchen (2017–2018) were filmed abroad in Indonesia and Spain, Jinny’s Kitchen was filmed in Mexico. Unlike previous programs that were aired on tvN, a local cable channel, Jinny’s Kitchen was broadcast on both the global OTT platform and tvN.

As such, cultural production – from the production of popular culture to its circulation and consumption – in the New Korean Wave tradition occurs through the (g)localization of Korean cultural content, including not only television programs (e.g., dramas and reality shows) but also K-pop, for global digital platforms. In other words, from production to circulation and consumption, numerous K-dramas, K-films, and K-pop are closely related to (g)local specificities. Cultural creators have attempted to localize production, as participation is one of the primary elements contributing to the success of these shows. The localization process of Korean cultural production has been expanding in the New Korean Wave era; however, the nexus between localization and global platforms represents a new phenomenon that demands scholarly attention.

This article critically analyzes new cultural production in relation to reality shows to determine not only the major forces behind this new trend but also the future directions of Hallyu production. After discussing the recent surge of reality programs as a major component of broadcasting Hallyu, it uses Jinny’s Kitchen as a case study to examine the ways in which reality shows develop (g)localization. It analyzes how Jinny’s Kitchen advances (g)localization in the production process for global OTT platforms.¹ Finally, it explores whether Korea has emerged as a new global force in utilizing (g)localization strategies to create a new form of cultural production by analyzing the dynamics between global and local forces in the digital platform era.

As its methodological framework, it conducted discourse analysis to understand the “systematic links between texts, discourse practices, and sociocultural practices”² It analyzed a wide range of discussions on variety shows, in particular, Jinny’s Kitchen, by examining social media posts, including those on Reddit – an American social news aggregation and discussion website – Facebook, and Twitter (now X) among global audiences, as well as several international newspapers for meaning and rhetorical purposes, between early February and late May 2023, both before and after the airing of Jinny’s Kitchen.³ In other words, the two sets of discourses were chosen “because they represent respectively mainstream commentaries (i.e., newspapers) and grassroots commentaries,” (i.e., social media content), which “may reveal ideological contestation around a new cultural phenomenon of Hallyu and its meanings.”⁴

(G)localization of reality shows

Glocalization is a neologism, constructed by combining the words “global” and “local.

As a theoretical concept, glocalization has been advanced by a handful of scholars, and Robertson aptly articulated⁵ it in the scope of international communication. Glocalization is a term “used to describe a product or service developed and distributed globally but adjusted to accommodate consumers in a local market.”⁶ Briefly, “glocalization denotes a successful localization of foreign products so much so that original inventors of the products want to import the local variations instead of their originals.”⁷ Robertson emphasized that these days, only the glocal exists (neither global nor local),⁸ while Ritzer agreed that pure global and pure local no longer exist.⁹

As Robertson argued, “the global is not in and of itself counterposed to the local. Rather, what is often referred to as the local is essentially included within the global. In this respect globalization, defined in its most general sense as the compression of the world as a whole, involves the linking of localities.”¹⁰ For Robertson,¹¹ glocalization is generated once the globalization of media operations adopts local cultures and circumstances, which stimulates local cultural producers to rediscover the value of the local. For example, when Western cultural industry firms have their own subsidiary companies in the Global South, they hire local staff to produce cultural programs.

As Ritzer also pointed out, glocalization “can be defined as the interpenetration of the global and the local, resulting in unique outcomes in different geographic areas.”¹²Accordingly, “rather than speaking of an inevitable tension between the local and the global it might be possible to think of the two as not being opposites but rather as being different sides of the same coin.”¹³ This interpretation inevitably links glocalization to globalization, and this process “has inadvertently contributed to the misidentification of glocalization as such with corporate glocalization, that is, revising global branding and content strategies to better align with national cultures and expectations rather than imposing a single model onto diverse regions and cultures.”¹⁴

When the term glocalization was coined in the 1990s, some scholars mentioned above mainly emphasized that glocalization could be executed by Western cultural companies. When they expanded their penetration in many parts of the world, in particular, in the Global South, many practitioners and scholars alike criticized the flow of popular culture from a handful of Western countries, including the U.S., to non-Western countries because the one-way flow of popular culture could result in the homogenization of cultures. In response to this criticism, numerous global cultural corporations like Disney developed the glocalization approach, which included local components, such as local practices, customs, and culture, in developing cultural content.¹⁵ By strategically encompassing local components in cultural production, these global forces planned to avoid local resistance while attracting local audiences who might encourage the acceptance of global culture among local audiences.

More specifically, the current trends in glocalization can be identified in several cultural forms, and television formats are exemplary cases as they are mainly developed by Western countries but adapted by non-Western countries. As Turner argued, the most transnational formats and genres, such as reality shows in non-Western regions, are “the process of the indigenization of international formats,” while reflecting local cultural identities.¹⁶ As Aslama and Pantti discussed,¹⁷ a Finnish reality TV show reflects national identity although it is an adaptation of the “global” reality show format.¹⁸

However, there has been a unique development in glocalization in the Korean Wave tradition as the local has actively developed reality shows encompassing (g)local components in cultural production. As discussed above, glocalization is a business strategy that global forces have developed to penetrate the local cultural markets by converging the co-presence of both universalizing and particularizing elements.¹⁹ However, (g)localization has been one of the primary strategies for various Korean cultural industries as the Korean Wave has become a global phenomenon. Korea has increased its cultural power in the early 21^st century to become one of the major cultural industries that develops various cultural products and expands its global reach. During the process, Korea has faced some challenges as many countries, in particular a few countries in Asia want to curve down the growth of Korean popular culture in their cultural markets to nurture their own cultural products. As cultural industries firms in the West conducted, Korea, a new cultural force from the non-Western region, has advanced a glocalization strategy to penetrate other countries with no big challenges and huddles.

In the realm of popular music, for example, K-pop entertainment agencies have now moved on to full-fledged glocalization strategies by accentuating the originality of Korean culture and localizing their idol groups.²⁰ For example, K-pop powerhouses have changed their marketing paradigms. In 2023, JYP Entertainment, one of the largest Korean entertainment houses, teamed up with Republic Records, an American music label, to launch a reality competition show under the name A2K (America2Korea) in search of a new global girl group.²¹ As a result, they created VCHA as the first American girl group based in Los Angeles. However, VCHA went on hiatus due to several issues, including a legal battle between an original member and JYP.²²

YG Entertainment has focused on building up its strength in the American and Japanese markets, but it is also looking beyond these regions as well. A YG Entertainment official stated, “we are looking into diverse foreign markets beyond North America and Japan. We cannot tell you which specific country we are targeting, but soon we will be unveiling a concrete outline of our foreign marketing strategy hand in hand with the debut of Babymonster.” Meanwhile, SM Entertainment is not only glocalizing its artists but also its business model. In December 2022, SM Entertainment founder Lee Soo-man signed “a memorandum of understanding with the Saudi Arabian Ministry of Culture to find talented local artists to develop S-pop (Saudi pop) based on its unique producing know-how and intellectual property that helped K-pop flourish.”²³

In the broadcasting industry, it is essential to acknowledge the localization of K-dramas by Korean cultural creators. Instead of developing reality shows adapted from the West, a multitude of Korean broadcasters have advanced locally developed original reality shows, including numerous (g)local elements, which is unprecedented. Again, glocalization has been primarily driven by global forces; however, Korea has suddenly advanced its cultural power in the global cultural sphere, and now several cultural creators and cultural firms attempt to create new cultural content by utilizing glocalization. The growth of local culture, including the Korean Wave, has occurred within the same region; however, with the increasing popularity of Korean cultural products in many parts of the world, Korea has also advanced its glocalization strategies. “The localization of K-pop and K-dramas by Korean artists, writers, and producers demonstrated their adept rearrangement skills that ushered in a new era of a domestic pop culture boom that had been on the verge of destruction due to Hollywood films, Japanese pop culture contents, and the financial crisis that swept through the nation since 1997.”²⁴

In the Korean context, there are two different forms of glocalization: one is structural integration, and the other is textual convergence between the local and the global. Korean cultural creators develop their content by converging two different cultural characteristics. Through the convergence process, they maintain local specificities, while accepting global trends as well. For several decades, the flow of cultural content, in particular, televising programs, has primarily occurred within the same regions. Asian broadcasters were usually expanding their operations within the same region, although global media firms expanded their services in Asia.²⁵ However, some of these phenomena go beyond regional integration toward globalization.²⁶ For example, as Sertbulut points out with the case of Turkish drama – known as dizi – which is popular in many countries, dizi creators want to penetrate the Western markets, including Western Europe and North America, to gain prestige while penetrating the non-Western markets to gain financial profits.²⁷ Dizi creators have been eager to develop Turkish dramas to attract global audiences as well as regional audiences.

Unlike other major nations” cultural industries, such as the U.S., the U.K., and Japan, Korea is a small country, and it always intends to export its own products, including cultural content, to make its business bigger and better. Previously, they created finished programs to be exported; however, in the digital platform era, Korean cultural creators look to connect with global audiences, and they use localization for those who live in other countries. In other words, “with localization specialists adapting the content to fit with the language and culture of the target audience,” the subsequent “international growth can help a business mitigate the risk of being tied to the economy of a single country.”²⁸ In particular, Korea has attempted to advance glocalization processes to penetrate not only the regional markets but also the global markets. This study aims to shed light on ongoing debates regarding glocalization strategies in the context of Korean reality shows.

Reality shows in the Korean broadcasting industry

Reality television “is an ambiguous term that encompasses the swatch of ostensibly unscripted programming featuring ordinary people as contestants, participants, and subjects.”²⁹ However, reality shows have become some of the most significant cultural genres in the early twenty-first century. As Ouellette pointed out, “reality television became a phenomenon around the turn of the millennium. In the United States, Survivor, Big Brother, and other high-profile prime-time reality programs (many adapted from existing European formats) arrived in 2000, setting the stage for a reconfiguration of television schedules that continues to this day.”³⁰ Many American reality shows “typically present participants as self-responsible enterprising authors of their own lives,” which is “consistent with the valorization of market relations” that can be supported by neoliberalism.³¹ Broadcasters in many countries have paid attention to various reality programs as people also attempt to find entertaining cultural programs, in particular, to escape from their current ordeals and fatigue that happen on a daily basis. Reality TV encompasses a variety of specialized sub-genres, such as game shows and dating programs. In the early twenty-first century, reality television has added one distinctive sub-genre, which is the talent contest.³²

The history of reality shows in Korea is relatively new. Numerous cultural programs were introduced to Korea between the late 1990s and the early 2000s when cable television increased in terms of the number of channels and viewers. A multitude of foreign programs were imported from the West, and numerous reality programs, from audition shows to celebrity reality shows, were consumed by Korean audiences. As several imported reality shows established a robust viewership, Korean cultural creators and broadcasters paid attention to reality shows, and cable and network channels began to produce in-house reality shows. Local broadcasters adapted from popular Western reality shows which became the foundation of locally developed reality shows.³³

Local broadcasters have continued to create local-based reality shows and eventually sold them to other countries over the past two decades. Many Korean dramas, reality shows, and documentaries receive immense love from global audiences. Among these, reality shows were the latecomer to the Korean cultural industries.³⁴ Before the 2000s, entertainment programs mainly featured comedians, aiming to bring laughter to the audience. However, Infinite Challenge made a turning point as it ventured outdoors, sparking the rise of outdoor variety shows.³⁵ Infinite Challenge, which aired on MBC starting in 2006 was known to be one of the first true variety shows in Korean broadcasting history. “It is a challenge-based show, and it changes its format every week depending on the type of challenge for the week. Challenges are sometimes absurd, silly and beyond the cast”s ability, which adds the comedic zest to the show. Unlike typical reality shows, [Infinite Challenge] casts six male celebrity entertainers instead of ordinary people as their members.”³⁶ Consequently, the proportion of variety shows, such as K-pop competition shows, quiz shows, and mukbang shows, in the export of television programs increased from 4.3% in 2003 to 6% in 2014, and to 8.4% in 2022, while dramas decreased from 91.4% in 2023 to 87.1% in 2023.³⁷

Reality shows have continued to grow in the Korean broadcasting industry since the late 2000s. In the initial stage of their development, a few reality programs were popular locally; however, they became a new cultural genre to be exported to the global cultural market. For example, Running Man was popular in many Asian countries in the 2010s. The versatile format was sold to China, where it became Running Man China in 2014, and later it was sold to Vietnam and Indonesia in 2019.³⁸ Reality shows, known as variety shows in Korea, have been vogue for the past two decades, and they have gradually broken through abroad, in particular, in the digital platform era. Korea originally developed reality shows in response to neoliberalism, focusing on a cost-effective business model – showing high view ratings with relatively inexpensive production costs – in the early 2000s; however, Korean broadcasters have further advanced reality shows as one of the primary television genres due to the shifting housing structure and the increasing role of global OTT platforms.

As the number of single-person households has increased and people living alone seek reality shows that are “light-hearted viewing, served up with celebrities and, more often than not, an opinioned but witty panel of quests,” Korean broadcasters vehemently develop various reality shows, such as game shows, dating shows, and food-making shows, known as mukbang shows in Korea.³⁹

Meanwhile, global OTT platforms are increasingly interested in reality shows, as they are less expensive than dramas and are typically less violent and sexual, making them more appealing to many global audiences who prefer non-violent and non-sexual content. In fact, Netflix planned to double its output of unscripted Korean reality shows in 2023, while Amazon”s Prime Video unveiled its first Korean reality show, Jinny”s Kitchen, during the same year.⁴⁰ As this article is not mainly discussing reality show formats, but reality shows related to (g)localization, we do not explore the ways in which foreign broadcasters adapt Korean reality programs. Instead, we look at how Korean broadcasters and cultural creators advance (g)localization strategies to appeal to global and Korean audiences.

Returning to our discussion on Korean reality shows, several reality audition programs have significantly contributed to the genre”s growth. Since the late 2010s, when several reality audition programs became popular, Koreans have witnessed a surge in the reality show craze. The significance of reality shows in the Korean cultural industries can also be observed in the export of broadcasting programs. The total value of Korean television program exports increased by as much as 94.8 times between 1998 and 2021, rising from $10 million in 1998 to $948 million in 2022⁴¹ (Figure 1). As discussed previously, dramas accounted for the largest share of television program exports, increasing from 76.8% in 2002 to 81.9% in 2011, followed by animation (8.9%), entertainment (5.5%), and documentaries (1.8%).⁴² The proportion of dramas peaked at 91.9% in 2008, before declining to 81.9% in 2011.⁴³ In 2011, documentary (11.5%) and entertainment (5.1%) constituted the second and third major television program genres, respectively.⁴⁴ A decade later, in 2021, an analysis of the export of television programs showed that dramas (87%) and entertainment (10.6%) remained the dominant genres, while others, such as animation (0.7%) and documentaries (0.3%), had become almost negligible.⁴⁵

Figure 1. Export of television programs (1998–2022. Unit: US$M).

Source: Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism (2009; 2009; 2009; 2009).

There are no big differences between terrestrial broadcasters and cable channels in terms of their major genres of foreign export.⁴⁶ This indicates that dramas have remained the largest cultural genre within the Korean Wave in broadcasting, while entertainment programs, including reality programs, continue to maintain a visible presence. According to the U.K.-based media consulting firm K7 Media, “Korea accounted for 10.1% of unscripted show sales volume in 2020 in the world, the third highest along with the United States, following the U.K. at 42.1% and the Netherlands at 10.3%.”⁴⁷

The recent reality shows discussed in this article are primarily aimed at global OTT platforms, indicating that Korean cultural creators are developing cultural content not only for local audiences but also for a global audience. Therefore, our focus is not on the mechanisms by which a program originating in one culture is successfully “localized” into another. However, “the interplay of “global” and “local” has been a commonplace both of general social theory and of” television studies.⁴⁸

In many cases, again, reality shows are exported as television formats. Korean cultural content “is being localized and recreated around the world. Format exportation is emerging as a powerful global expansion strategy. There are two primary approaches when it comes to exporting content to the global market: the sale of broadcasting rights and formats. The sale of broadcasting rights involves granting the rights to broadcast Korean programs on overseas channels, while the sale of formats entails providing the structure and expertise to localize the programs overseas.”⁴⁹

With growing sales of entertainment programs in the global broadcasting content market, Korean broadcasters, which have focused on exporting ready-made TV programs, are turning their eyes to the sales of reality programs. The success of Physical: 100, an MBC-produced reality show streamed on Netflix in 2023, demonstrates the continued growth of entertainment programs in the digital platform era. Financially, “reality TV shows fit the needs of producers and distributors alike for cheaper programming. These programs largely did away with higher-priced stars; instead, they appropriate average Joes who want to be stars.”⁵⁰ Reality shows have rapidly become one of the most significant television genres representing the contemporary Korean Wave, and the trend is likely to expand in the near future, as many cultural creators are eager to create various forms of reality programming.

Local production of Korean reality shows: Jinny’s Kitchen

In the Korean broadcasting scene, some reality programs, such as Grandpas Over Flowers, which was exported to NBC in the U.S.,⁵¹ and Youn’s Kitchen, clearly demonstrate the increasing trend of reality programs and format exports as part of the New Korean Wave – a Hallyu trend emphasizing the increasing role of social media and OTT platforms as well as the global popularity of cultural content beyond the Asian market. A variety of reality shows, especially related to food and travel, have emerged. One of the first reality shows in this genre was Three Meals a Day, produced by Na Yeong-seok for tvN, which premiered in October 2014. Due to the success of the first season, it continued for nine seasons. Similarly, Na Yeong-seok created another cooking and travel reality program, Youn’s Kitchen, which began in 2017. While both programs focused on food and travel, Three Meals a Day was created in Korea, while Youn’s Kitchen was primarily filmed in other countries. These reality shows are intended as healing programs for those exhausted from their city life routines. By choosing rural areas as filming locations, such as a mountain area or a remote island for Three Meals a Day, and pleasant foreign locations for Youn’s Kitchen, they aim to offer healing moments to audiences.

Jinny’s Kitchen, a spin-off of Youn’s Kitchen, is one of the latest reality shows in this genre. It centers on cast members Lee Seo-jin (Self-CEO), Jung Yu-mi (Self-Director), Park Seo-jun (Self-Manager), Choi Woo-shik (Self-Intern), and BTS’s V (Kim Tae-hyung, Self-Intern) running their own Korean restaurant in Bacalar, Mexico.⁵² Succeeding Youn’s Kitchen, this new reality show follows Lee Seo-jin as he runs a new franchise restaurant abroad specializing in Korean street food. Jinny’s Kitchen developed a few unique glocalization strategies, which are rare in the Korean broadcasting industry.

Most of all, its runaway production in Bacalar, a small town in Mexico, was interesting. Jinny’s Kitchen introduced Korean street food to their enthusiastic Mexican customers, similar to Youn’s Kitchen; however, instead of emphasizing healing, it focused on competition. In other words, unlike Youn’s Kitchen, which highlighted calm and healing, Jinny’s Kitchen was more about a lighthearted competition for survival. With Lee Seo-jin’s unique management philosophy, the show transformed into a restaurant management simulation.⁵³ Korean street foods such as kimbap, tteokbokki – spicy stir-fried rice cakes – and corn dogs were among the most popular offerings in Jinny’s Kitchen.

On the show, Lee Seo-jin was portrayed as more serious about restaurant management than anyone else, while Jung Yu-mi was promoted to director, and Park Seo-joon emerged as a powerhouse in the kitchen. Choi Woo-shik remained an intern, and Kim Tae-hyung joined as a new intern role.⁵⁴ The cast’s journey to an unfamiliar place – both for many Koreans and global audiences – provided enjoyable and refreshing moments. Although the restaurant itself was temporary, with the cast staying only a week for production, “many customers enjoyed their experience eating there so much that they thought it was a permanent restaurant. Some customers even returned to eat during the short time Jinny’s Kitchen was open.”⁵⁵ Even a few months after the show aired, people around the world continued to rewatch – or newly discover – the show while preparing and eating disches like ramen, kimbap, and tteokbokki.

As such, the majority of audiences found the show to be very comfortable, relaxing, and enjoyable, regardless of the program’s intention to emphasize competition for survival. In numerous social media posts, Jinny’s Kitchen viewers indeed expressed how much they enjoyed the show and felt emotionally rewarded. For example, on March 17, one Twitter (now X) user said:

Have finished episode 2 of Jinny’s Kitchen (hopefully will be caught up by next week!) It’s such a relaxing show. Although when it got busy I kinda felt stressed. They make such a good team. Tae is as charming as ever. And I really need to try a (veggie) corn dog and ramyeon!

Another Twitter user wrote on April 7:

Congratulations Taehyung and friends! U can’t imagine how much we look forward to every Fri since Jinny’s Kitchen was aired. Every episode gave us so much joy! The rating gap to No.2 is insane! Thank U for giving us your ALL.

What is interesting is that Jinny’s Kitchen was broadcast on both domestic OTT and global OTT platforms, while tvN, a Korean cable channel, aired the program at the same time. Every Friday between February 24 and May 5, 2023, people around the globe tuned in to enjoy this reality show. When Jinny’s Kitchen debuted on Amazon Prime Video in February 2023, it marked the streamer’s first presentation of a Korean variety show, thanks in part to the worldwide popularity of its youngest cast member, BTS’s V. While it was not a global phenomenon, Jinny’s Kitchen attracted a reasonable international audience. The show originally debuted in 12 Prime Video countries; however, it later became available in over 50 countries.⁵⁶ According to FlixPatrol, a platform that tracks video-on-demand rankings, Jinny’s Kitchen entered the “Top 20 Most Watched Shows Worldwide” on Prime Video at #19 following the release of its third episode in select countries. It was also the only reality show on the list.⁵⁷

Textually, in the first episode on February 24, director Na Yeong-seok and the cast gathered for a pre-production meeting to assign cast roles. Several members then traveled to Bacalar, a quaint Mexican town, to open a Korean restaurant, while Woo-shik was scheduled to join later. In the second episode, aired on March 3, the restaurant began gaining momentum. Outside the restaurant, the show made three notices that used three different languages, including English, Spanish, and Korean, to let people know that it was for a reality show;

English

Thank you for visiting us

At this restaurant, we are currently filming a Korean reality show

to introduce and showcase Korean foods in Mexico.

It is a pop-up restaurant, and you might appear in the show.

Thank you for your cooperation and please enjoy your food

Spanish

Gracias por visitar nuestro restaurante.

En este local estamos filmando temporalmente un programa

para presentarles nuestra gastronomia coreana a los mexicanos.

Tengan en cuenta que todo lo que hagan ustedes

acui puede ser trasmitido en nuestro programa.

iGracias por su cooperacion y disfruten de la comida?

When preparing various dishes, many curious Mexicans approached the restaurant to check the menu. Some commented, “it is very interesting to see Korean Street Food in Mexico,” which was precisely what the show aimed to highlight. While eating kimbap, one customer remarked, “we need a hot sauce,” however, another customer replied, “we need to get used to global taste as well. Diversity is important.” They also commonly say that kimbap is fresh and good on a hot day.

In the same episode, the cast enjoyed a day off at the beach, paddle boating, kayaking, and running – offering viewers a scenic glimpse into the local beauty of Bacalar. As a program combining food and travel, these leisure scenes added to the charm and appeal for global audiences. Many Hallyu fans, in particular, BTS fans, shared their feelings after watching a few episodes until then. After episode four aired, fans posted their feelings on various social media. With the title of “Jinny’s Kitchen Episode 4 Reactions: Fans Declare BTS” V aka Kim Taehyung an All-Rounder For His Cooking Skills,’⁵⁸ LeisureByte – an online platform focused on health, lifestyle, and entertainment – complied fan posts, including those shown below.

To the boy who can’t eat spicy food…learn and cooking spicy chicken 9 times in a day and customer praised it… Kim Tae-hyung, you know how I adore your proper plan, hard work, and excellent right (March 18, 2023).

I love it how taehyung actually enjoys everything he does! Infront of camera, or off camera, he really enjoys everything! These whole episodes are showing how passionate he is about his works! I love him so much (On X, March 17, 2023)

No matter what, Taehyung does all his duties diligently and excels at every work! (On X, March 18, 2023)

As is well-documented, BTS Army admires BTS not only because of their music but also due to the members’ hard work and dedication to creating positive messages.⁵⁹ Of course, the popularity of the show is not solely attributable to Kim Tae-hyung, but also to the other cast members, who are also renowned actors and actresses in their own right. For example, when a group of customers visited the restaurant, they immediately recognized Choi Woo-shik, an actor from the acclaimed movie Parasite (2019). When Woo-shik delivered their food, they asked whether he was Woo-shik from the movie, and upon confirmation, they exclaimed, “It’s crazy fun.”

In the seventh episode, Jinny’s Kitchen was flooded with Bacalar’s food enthusiasts. Due to the overwhelming number of customers, the staff repeatedly informed incoming guests, “No seats, no tables.” Eventually, they earned 11,610 pesos – the highest amount thus far. As the employees were visibly exhausted, Lee Seo-jin decided to give them a half-day off the next day, allowing them to enjoy Bacalar’s picturesque beach once again.

The 10th episode (April 28), which marked their final day at Bacalar, mainly focused on whether they could achieve their goal of earning 12,000 pesos. There were 24 groups of customers who ordered 73 dishes and 48 beverages from the menu. They originally did not achieve their target, but they managed to sell one more jeyuk kimbap (150 pesos), reaching a total of 12,070 pesos and successfully completing their final mission. At this final moment, since there were no people on the street, Woo-shik approached the customers who were still eating and encouraged them to make one last order. A woman asked jeyuk kimbap for takeout. She said, “Tiene servicio para llevar?” and Woo-shik responded. “Para llevar, takeout.” After completing their final day of business, Tae-hyung joyfully danced in front of the restaurant, celebrating the accomplishment with the staff. On Reddit, many fans were impressed by the casts’ hard-working attitude. One person using the nickname of pinatad particularly said in the category of r/koreanvariety in April;

while they initially seemed to dread the idea of staying until they made the 12,000 pesos I was glad to see that working that hard wasn’t dampening their spirits. when they were so close I loved how they rushed out the restaurant to chase someone down to buy a corn dog lol

Another fan known as Fearless_Cloud_620 also stated in May 2023;

It’s the first time I’ve watched one of these shows, and I have to say that it’s not difficult to see why these stars are at the top of their game when it comes to their careers. Their tenacity and positive attitudes just shine through whatever task they were taking on, and they came across as being quite humble and hardworking. I really enjoyed the show.

As such, many Hallyu fans appreciated their positive and hard-working manners, which resonate with other cultural products and performances as wee. Again, ARMY likes BTS more than other performers partially because of their hard-working and positive attitudes that influence their personal lives.⁶⁰

Overall, Jinny’s Kitchen – one of the latest but most famous reality programs – represents the emerging trend of food and travel-related shows within the context of glocalization. As Robertson pointed out, “the idea of glocalization in its business sense is closely related to what in some contexts is called, in more straightforwardly economic terms, micro-marketing: the tailoring and advertising of goods and services on a global or near-global basis to increasingly differentiated local and particular markets.”⁶¹ Glocalization involves “the construction of increasingly differentiated consumers, the “invention” of “consumer traditions” (of which tourism, arguably the biggest “industry” of the contemporary world, is undoubtedly the most clear-cut example). To put it very simply, diversity sells. From the consumer’s point of view, it can be a significant basis of cultural capital formation.”⁶² Glocalization in Jinny’s Kitchen is evident in various dimensions, including linguistic diversity, respect for different food preferences, exotic scenery from diverse countries, and the representation of different socio-cultural norms – all of which will be fully discussed in the following section.

Korea has embraced food programs, including mukbang and street food shows. A mukbang, also known as an eating show, is an online audiovisual broadcast where a host consumes large quantities of food while interacting with the audience. Korean food seems to be gaining global popularity, driven by the influence of Korean dramas and K-pop, prompting Korean broadcasters to invest heavily in food-related programs. In this context, Jinny’s Kitchen stands out as an exceptional blend of reality TV and Korean cuisine. The program introduces Korean street food, such as kimbap and tteokbokki, to a diverse audience – both local Mexicans and international travelers. The cast members have openly shared how challenging it was to prepare food for the restaurant, emphasizing the effort that went into making the show a success.⁶³

Glocalization strategies in Korean reality shows

There are various approaches to creating and exporting cultural content to global cultural markets, and the sale of reality shows especially offers “the structure and expertise to localize the programs overseas.”⁶⁴ As media (g)localization primarily implies the process of adapting program materials to suit new audiences in a particular country or region, successful media glocalization incorporates multiple dimensions. The broadcasting sector has especially utilized glocalization strategies in the creation and circulation of a multitude of cultural programs. When cultural creators develop television programs, including reality shows like Jinny’s Kitchen, for digital platforms to reach global audiences, (g)localization becomes essential. Korean cultural creators certainly attempt to increase glocalization strategies, which means adapting creative media content to suit different language users in various geographic areas to grow their business.⁶⁵

There are diverse elements contributing to the success of glocalization. To begin with, language is a key element. As Jinny’s Kitchen targets local customers, both Korean and Mexican, and global audiences simultaneously, it uses multiple languages, such as Korean, English, and Spanish. In cultural production, it is essential to plan to advance language skills, including dubbing, to successfully engage the intended audience. Cultural creators may employ expert linguists to translate and localize text. Episode 2 of Jinny’s Kitchen showcased how the members learned and used Spanish. For example, Tae-hyung recommended using a hot sauce by saying, ¿Está bien con salsa picante?” and “Todo está bien” (which means “Is everything fine?” in English), while other members, including Choi Woo-shik, were eager to learn Spanish. On his way to the restaurant in the second episode, Choi practiced Spanish and later used what he had learned, even though it was limited.

The majority of customers could speak English; however, the members’ use of Spanish certainly functioned as a linguistic localization strategy, playing a significant role in cultural production. This linguistic localization covers all spoken and written dialogues, and “the linguists should be native speakers of the target language and should have an in-depth understanding of the target culture. By applying this expertise to the text they are working on, they can ensure that they deliver something that will sound natural in the target language and that will be culturally appropriate.”⁶⁶ Of course, media localization must go beyond language. The quality of the translation work, media companies’ cultural knowledge, the availability of customer service, and project management expertise must all be considered. Cultural producers integrate all of this adapted content.⁶⁷

Second, localizing cultural content means cultural creators must consider the cultural aspects, including history and scenery. “If the people speaking in it aren’t dressed in a way that’s appropriate for the intended audience. In fact, this kind of faux pas could actually backfire… instead of the international growth they had envisioned.”⁶⁸ Since Jinny’s Kitchen combines food and travel, it is crucial to allow time to showcase beautiful local scenes. As a newspaper in the Philippines reported, Jinny’s Kitchen is set in the picturesque town of Bacalar, a dazzling location. As Director Na stated, “the beautiful nature in Mexico is something to watch, obviously.”⁶⁹ Another Philippine newspaper also praised the show in relation to the stunning location;

In addition to its star-studded cast, Jinny’s Kitchen upgrades the fun as the stars will serve Korean food to foreigners as the show is filmed in the picturesque town of Bacalar, Mexico.⁷⁰

Contemporary notions of locality are “produced in something like global terms, but this certainly does not mean that all forms of locality are thus substantively homogenized (notwithstanding the standardization, for example, of relatively new suburban, fortress communities).”⁷¹ Third, there was an unplanned glocalization process. During their restaurant business in Bacalar, a stray dog entered the restaurant, perplexing the cast and staff. However, rather than removing the dog from the premises – an act that might be expected in small, closed Korean restaurants – they chose to let it stay after learning that Bacalar has a culture of allowing dogs to roam freely. As a result, one or two stray dogs were often seen lying around the restaurant. Initially, Seo-jin was concerned about customers being uncomfortable, but when local patrons told him to leave the dog alone, saying it was common in the area, the team adapted. They even named the dog Perro (Spanish for “dog”), and he became the mascot of Jinny’s Kitchen, loved by customers and viewers alike. Although unintentional, this is one of the best examples of the (g)localization of popular culture, made possible by the production team’s accommodation of local customs. While a relatively minor incident, this scene illustrates that glocalization can either misrepresent other national cultures or foster a harmonious hybridization of two distinct cultures. Mexico and Korea have developed unique cultural norms and are not easily merged; in some cases, glocalization brings about conflict and tension. However, the glocalization process seen in Jinny’s Kitchen highlights the potential benefits of cultural hybridization over potential frictions.

Fourth, recent reality shows increasingly target OTT platform users, meaning Korean cultural creators now develop cultural content with global – not just Korean or Mexicans – audiences in mind. One anecdote explains this trend well. In October 2021, Netflix Korea received an email with “a bold pitch for a show involving 100 contestants competing in a series of brutal challenges to win a cash prize worth 300 million Korean won.” The sender was Jang Ho-gi, “a producer at leading Korean broadcaster MBC, now the lead producer of Physical 100, Netflix’s latest hit reality show.”⁷² Physical 100, taking “the form of a survival game, brings together Korea’s highest-profile athletes, bodybuilders and sports influencers, such as mixed martial arts fighters like Yoshihiro Akiyama, as they compete in extreme games that test their physical strength. The show started with a modest cult following among local audiences, but it is now creating buzz both at home and abroad, buzz of a scale that few other Korean non-fiction shows have achieved. As of the third week of February, Physical 100 is topping Netflix’s top 10 list for non-English TV, with more than 45 million hours viewed.”⁷³

The concept of glocalization emphasizes the interaction between the global and the local, explicating that the global strategically incorporates the local by particularizing the universal.⁷⁴ However, as Jinny’s Kitchen exemplifies, glocalization can also be driven by traditionally non-Western forces, proving the potential for local force-driven glocalization in the global cultural sphere. Although the program was produced not in the West but in Mexico, another non-Western country, it signifies the potential of glocalization led by local forces. In fact, Jinny’s Kitchen Season 2 was produced in Iceland and aired between June and September 2024.

Jinny’s Kitchen successfully utilized local particularities and universalism. The various dimensions discussed above can be categorized as cultural particularities consisting of glocalization strategies, while the use of Amazon Prime as a distribution outlet represents universality, as this process targets not only Spanish-speaking countries but global audiences. As “glocalization takes the global and makes it local.”⁷⁵ Jinny’s Kitchen implies that the local should not be seen in distinction to the global, but that instead both are mutually constitutive. As Robertson points out,⁷⁶ the success of Jinny’s Kitchen demonstrates “how glocalization is made industry specific, and how it can be profitable when carefully utilized.”⁷⁷

Korean broadcasters are now clearly embracing transnationality in creating programs in ways not often seen in previous years. As James Lull pointed out, contemporary cultural integrations are further “mediated by the production of deterritorialized cultural styles created in new physical locations, and by the reintroduction of new cultural syntheses back into the “original” locations.”⁷⁸ The Korean broadcasting industry has uniquely developed reality shows that enjoy global popularity. On the one hand, cultural creators in the broadcasting sector advance runaway production in order to utilize locality to target local people as well as Korean audiences. On the other hand, they closely work with global and local OTT platforms to circulate their reality shows globally.

Of course, the recent nexus of the production of reality shows and global OTT platforms may trigger the decreasing role of Korean broadcasters. As several cultural creators have already attempted to work with global OTT platforms like Netflix and Disney+ due to both these platforms’ financial support and global distribution power, reality show producers are looking into collaboration with global OTT platforms. Producer Na himself admitted during his media interview in August 2023 that Netflix is a dominant force that builds a content kingdom.⁷⁹ When Na and his team were in Mexico to film Jinny’s Kitchen, he was indeed surprised to learn how many locals were aware of Netflix’s hit drama Squid Game 1 (2021). He stated, “it was very unimaginable a few years ago but now people are watching the same content and enjoying the same content and sharing their feelings at the same time.”⁸⁰ It is not unusual to find cultural creators who talk about the increasing role of global OTT platforms, which producer Na also observed.

Global OTT platforms have invested in numerous local cultural industries. ”Netflix funds quite a few local products to make Netflix’s original series or purchases many local programs that were already produced to circulate them on the OTT platform itself. Since many cultural creators in non-Western countries desperately want to work with Netflix, these creators have no choice but to develop cultural content that Netflix prefers while passively accommodating Netflix’s business norms. What Netflix attempts to advance is indeed its market control in the global cultural sphere.”⁸¹

What is significant is that, during the process, local forces are likely to lose negotiation power to global forces. Although the flow of cultural content, including reality shows, may shift from the Global South to the Global North, this does not necessarily mean the Global South, including Korea, fully benefits from glocalization strategies targeting global cultural markets. It is essential to understand that the glocalization process was mainly conducted by global forces. In other words, glocalization has primarily been driven by global forces. In other words, glocalization has become one of the key globalization strategies led by transnational cultural industries based in the Global North. Therefore, despite blending global and local elements, cultural content produced through glocalization includes more global than local components. While a partial balance in cultural flows is promising, it is crucial to emphasize the leasing role of local players in cultural production and runaway production to truly achieve a balanced cultural exchange in the global cultural sphere.

Conclusion

This article discusses the unique growth of broadcasting Hallyu through glocalization and reality shows. Broadcasting Hallyu, as one of the primary areas of the New Korean Wave, has shown remarkable development over the past decade. Traditionally, local broadcasters have focused on exporting dramas; however, in response to the rising popularity of reality shows – mainly imported from Western countries – Korean broadcasters have recently turned their attention to various forms of reality programming. Historically, television broadcasting has been limited to national territories. Due to several factors, including the protection of local broadcasters and audiences, many countries did not permit foreign broadcasters to transmit within their own borders. However, a transnational cultural order is emerging, reshaping cultural spaces and fostering new cultural practices, products, and flows.⁸²

Since the late 2000s, the Korean broadcasting industry has developed glocalization strategies to penetrate global cultural markets, while creating a multitude of variety shows. Although other cultural industries, including the music industry, also advance their glocalization strategies, it is the broadcasting sector that continues to innovate by developing cultural programs, in particular, reality shows, through runaway production. Initially, glocalization was one of the major strategies pursued by Western cultural industry firms. However, the Korean cultural industries have gradually increased their attempts to utilize glocalization to penetrate both regional and Western countries, which is unprecedented. An international reach in the broadcasting industry

is no longer the preserve of Western-based conglomerates, as an increasing number of smaller media companies from the developing world are expanding overseas, as in the case of several Korean broadcasting corporations. Many Korean television channels are at the heart of the transformation of regional media cultures, most noticeably in Asia. Korean broadcasters keenly adjust to the shifting media ecology, and consequently, the transnational flow of television programs has changed.⁸³

Of course, this does not mean that all non-Western countries are capable of developing locally based glocalization strategies, as they often lack sufficient skills, manpower, and compelling stories needed to produce culturally appealing programs on a global scale. Moreover, as exemplified by Jinny’s Kitchen, which relies on a global OTT platform to reach international audiences, non-Western countries still lack sufficient distribution channels under their control. Nevertheless, the Korean broadcasting industry has emerged as a pioneer in redefining traditional business practices within the glocalization norm. Korean reality shows have gained global popularity,⁸⁴ challenging the conventional understanding of transnationality within the broadcasting realm.

Korean reality shows have undergone significant transformations in both production and distribution. Rather than producing content solely in Korea, they embrace runaway production to appeal to audiences in different countries and regions. These productions make full use of local elements, including languages, crews, equipment, and ingredients, to attract both Korean and local audiences, as demonstrated by Jinny’s Kitchen in Mexico. Furthermore, they recognize the growing importance of global OTT platforms as primary outlets for their reality shows – a new glocalization strategy that requires understanding the dynamic interplay between the global and the local. In this way, the Korean broadcasting industry has not only reshaped the concept of transnationality but also transformed the glocalization norm within the global cultural sphere.