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Implicit Control Crosslinguistically

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2026

Marcel Pitteroff*
Affiliation:
Universität Stuttgart
Florian Schäfer*
Affiliation:
Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
*
Pitteroff, Universität Stuttgart, Institut für Linguistik/Anglistik, Keplerstraße 17, 70174 Stuttgart, Germany [marcelpitteroff@googlemail.com]
Schäfer, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Institut für Anglistik/Amerikanistik, Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin, Germany [florian.schaefer.2@hu-berlin.de]
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Abstract

In Landau 2015, it is proposed that the acceptability of implicit control (i.e. control by the implicit external argument of a passivized verb into complement clauses) is not only restricted by the revised Visser's generalization (van Urk 2013), but also depends on the type of matrix predicate involved. While attitude matrix predicates allow implicit control (IMPLICIT LOGOPHORIC CONTROL), nonattitude matrix predicates do not. Landau takes this bifurcation to support his TWOTIERED THEORY OF CONTROL by assuming that in the case of nonattitude matrix predicates, the control relation is essentially a predication relation, from which implicit arguments are independently excluded. In this article, we subject these claims to empirical scrutiny, showing that Landau's generalization on implicit control holds only in a subset of languages, while other languages license implicit control with both types of matrix predicates. We investigate and reject the hypothesis that this crosslinguistic split is the consequence of different types of implicit arguments, only some of which are syntactically represented in a way that allows them to enter a predication relation. Based on an investigation of the acceptability of agent-modifying depictives in passives, we conclude that, in principle, implicit external arguments of passives in all languages under consideration can enter predication. We show, however, that there is a different correlation: languages that allow implicit control with nonattitude verbs (IMPLICIT PREDICATIVE CONTROL) are exactly those languages that allow impersonal passives of unergative predicates. To account for this correlation, we argue that implicit logophoric control, but not implicit predicative control, can be construed as a personal passive.

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Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © 2019 Linguistic Society of America

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Footnotes

*

Order of authors is alphabetical; both contributed equally to the article. We would like to thank Grant Goodall, Lisa Travis, and three anonymous Language referees for their detailed feedback that helped us improve both the form and the content of this article. We also thank Artemis Alexiadou, Jutta Hartmann, Caroline Heycock, and Idan Landau for helpful discussion, as well as audiences at the 2016 Control Workshop at HU Berlin, the 2017 Cambridge Workshop on Voice, CGSW 32 at the University of Trondheim, and NELS 48 at the University of Iceland for valuable feedback. All remaining errors are ours. Finally, we are very grateful to our numerous informants for their native-language judgments. Pitteroff's work was supported by the DFG-Grant AL 554/10-1; FI 1959/2-1; Schäfer's work was supported by a DFG-grant to the project B6 ‘Under-specification in Voice systems and the syntax-morphology interface’, as part of the Collaborative Research Center 732 Incremental Specification in Context at the University of Stuttgart.

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