Operatic Spectacles at the Savoy Court in the Late Seventeenth Century: New Insights from the Avvisi di Torino

Abstract

This article re-evaluates the late seventeenth-century operatic culture of the Savoy court in Turin through the lens of newly examined archival material, the Avvisi di Torino preserved in the Medici archive in Florence. These handwritten newsletters, covering the years 1688–99, offer unprecedented insights into the musical and theatrical life of the Savoy capital, a court that stood at the crossroads of the Italian and French traditions. Previous scholarship has often overlooked this period or has relied primarily on printed librettos that provide only a partial view of operatic production. By integrating the avvisi with other sources, this study reconstructs the repertory, organization, and sociopolitical function of operatic spectacles under Victor Amadeus II of Savoy.

Understanding the development of opera in Baroque Turin is key to grasping the city’s role in shaping Italian musical life and courtly culture. While earlier research has analysed aspects of musicians’ activity and operatic production, the subject still demands deeper investigation.¹ The last quarter of the seventeenth century has received scarce attention; even specialized studies on court theatre have dedicated only a few pages to this specific period.² Furthermore, existing studies have been based on printed librettos, which leave only a partial view of the operatic scene in Turin.³ The connection between printed operatic librettos and live productions highlights a conflict between the textual domain and the realities of performance. As the capital of the Duchy of Savoy, Turin hosted a court that was not only politically driven but also culturally vibrant, straddling the line between Italian traditions and substantial French influences. Unlike cities such as Venice, where opera transformed into a public and commercial endeavour during this era, opera in Turin remained predominantly a court-centric affair, often linked to dynastic celebrations, diplomatic functions, or elite displays organized by the ruling House of Savoy. In this setting, the printed libretto assumes a complex position, going well beyond its basic purpose as a theatrical script. Throughout the century, a multitude of operatic librettos were published in Turin, occasionally even during tumultuous times when it remains unclear if the corresponding operas were performed. These publications did not always serve as direct representations of actual performances: in some instances, they seem to have been issued in expectation of a production that was ultimately cancelled or modified. In other situations, there might have been only partial performances, such as scenes included in courtly entertainments, or no plans for performance at all.

The reasons for these discrepancies are numerous. Producing a full-scale opera was costly, requiring not only singers and musicians but also complex stage machinery, costumes, and set design. Budget limitations, unexpected political changes, or times of court mourning could all postpone or stop performances. However, the librettos were often still printed and circulated. This indicates that in Turin, the libretto served more than just as a theatrical object; it also acted as a symbolic item, aimed at commemorating a planned event, projecting dynastic prestige, or fulfilling diplomatic and ceremonial roles. Printed librettos could be sent to visiting dignitaries or dispatched to other courts as symbols of cultural sophistication, regardless of whether the opera itself was ever performed. This situation complicates the work of music historians, who must rely on preserved archival materials (such as account books, correspondence, and court documents) to ascertain whether a performance occurred. Based on new archival documentation found in the Medici archive in Florence (I-Fas, Mediceo del Principato, Avvisi di Torino), this article aims to fill this lacuna and sheds light on the operatic activity at the Savoy court in the late seventeenth century.⁴ In addition to providing new information on the performance of various operas in Turin, it also addresses questions around patronage networks, repertory, systems of production, and the circulation of singers.

The new documents presented here are referred to as Avvisi di Torino (Turin Notices) and cover the period 1688–99 (the avvisi from previous years have not survived). They were handwritten newsletters (sometimes printed), distributing information among Italian cities. While they may appear modest, avvisi played a crucial role in how the educated elite engaged with and understood their surroundings; essentially, they acted as early forms of journalism. They reported on a diverse array of current affairs: shifts in politics, military actions, diplomatic activities, public entertainments such as opera, and the personal lives of influential aristocrats. Information regarding battles, papal elections, royal births, and fatalities, as well as court scandals, found its way into these meticulously crafted reports. For diplomats, merchants, and the nobility, avvisi provided essential updates on events unfolding throughout Europe and beyond. In an era characterized by slow communication and fragmented political regions, this information was often critical.

Although the majority of avvisi were produced anonymously, their influence was substantial. They were composed in Italian, and occasionally in Latin for clerical readers, and functioned as an informal yet impactful communication network. People relied on them not only for factual news but also for insights into cultural events, festivals, theatrical performances, peculiar occurrences, and gossip, all of which were included in their content. The avvisi operated at the crossroads of politics, culture, and music, influencing and reflecting the patterns of early modern society. Culturally, they mirrored the lively and frequently tumultuous character of early modern Italy. They documented more than just political events; they provided ongoing commentary on public festivals, carnivals, criminal acts, and other remarkable occurrences. They chronicled the customs observed by foreign ambassadors, court ceremonies, and notable public episodes. In this manner, the avvisi became conduits for cultural exchange, shaping their readers’ perceptions and contributing to a collective understanding of public life amid Italy’s diverse sociopolitical entities.

Avvisi also significantly contributed to the era’s musical landscape. They regularly reported on important musical happenings: the inauguration of new opera houses, the introduction of celebrated singers, court performances, and compositions for religious occasions. Supporting music was a means of asserting political status, and the avvisi reflected this reality. They might mention a prince hiring a distinguished singer or the launch of a new opera. News about musical events frequently intertwined with other cultural information, highlighting the close relationship between music and politics. Music was more than mere entertainment; it served as a diplomatic instrument and a marker of civic pride. In this context, the avvisi functioned as musical bulletins, updating distant courts, patrons, and musicians about developments in the vibrant musical scene of Italy. For instance, they could elaborate on the audience’s reaction to a new public opera in Venice or share insights about the music presented at court entertainment elsewhere, thus facilitating the spread of musical innovations across various regions. In the case of Turin, the avvisi offer new insights into the musical world of the Savoy family.

From his rise to power in 1684 until his abdication in 1730, Victor Amadeus II of Savoy (1666–1732) (Figure 1) implemented a series of reforms that radically changed the state he ruled.⁵ He increased financial revenues, strengthened his military power, and took further measures to secure total control of the territories under his jurisdiction. As a result, the state of Savoy became one of the most well-organized monarchies in Europe.⁶ French political influence in Turin was significant during the regency of Victor Amadeus’s mother, Marie Jeanne Baptiste of Savoy-Nemours (regent 1675–84); she married Charles Emmanuel II, Duke of Savoy, son of Christine Marie of France. This matrimonial alliance consolidated the diplomatic relationship between the French kingdom and the House of Savoy. The Savoyard state, despite being part of the Holy Roman Empire, was strongly attached to France, thus becoming essentially a French satellite, and this political union affected the repertory of musical entertainments promoted at the Savoy court. The importance conferred to the production of French ballets clearly demonstrates this.⁷

Figure 1. Engraving of Victor Amadeus II, Duke of Savoy.

In 1690, Victor Amadeus joined the Nine Years’ War on the side of the Grand Alliance (England, the Dutch Republic, Spain, and Austria), abandoning the French coalition which had characterized Savoyard foreign policy for much of the previous half-century. His hegemonic ambitions (including his opposition to Louis XIV) brought for the Savoy dynasty an international prestige that could not have been claimed before. Piedmont-Savoy acquired a new independence in the European states system and became an integral part of it.⁸ Victor Amadeus’s new political strategy also had an impact on opera, which is particularly evident from the second quarter of the eighteenth century with the creation of the Società dei Cavalieri, an organization that became responsible for the impresarial management of operatic activity at the Savoy court. The major aristocratic families of Piedmont, which maintained strong political ties to France, collaborated with the Società, which acted as a ‘collective impresario’, to promote music and spectacles in Turin.⁹ This model highlights the unique way opera flourished in eighteenth-century Turin as both a public spectacle and a communal effort. Rather than depending on one entrepreneurial leader to manage productions, the group shared the various roles needed to mount an opera season. The financial risks, artistic choices, and logistical issues were collectively managed.¹⁰

In the late seventeenth century, ballets and French musical comedies remained important aristocratic entertainments. Feste di corte (court celebrations) also played a fundamental role in court life and have been studied from an artistic and sociocultural perspective. Spectacular shows took place in various forms during religious festivities and familial events (births and marriages), and saw the active participation of the Savoy nobility, especially in French ballet performances.¹¹ But as the Avvisi di Torino show, public attention focused predominantly on Italian operatic spectacles.

The concept of ‘public’ and ‘commercial’ opera in Turin had different socio-economic implications when compared to the impresarial system of Venice.¹² Unlike in the Serenissima, where the opera business was in the hands of local noble families (the Trons, Grimani, etc.) who owned several theatres, operas in Turin were almost exclusively staged in the court theatre. Contrary to the Venetian concept of a commercially run public opera house, the ducal theatre can be considered a mixed model strictly dependent upon Savoy authority. It was indeed entirely under the patronage of Victor Amadeus II. From this perspective, the production of opera in the city was not too dissimilar to musical centres like Florence, Parma, Modena, and Mantua, where political control was monocentric (under the de Medici, Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga families) and operatic performances were part public and part privately financed.

Due to the scarcity of archival evidence, specific questions regarding the bureaucratic organization of opera in the Savoyard state cannot be answered. The lack of relevant documentation for the period under consideration is due to a long-standing history influenced by warfare, political turmoil, and changing administrative focuses. For many years, Turin had been at the intersection of European conflict and transformation: for instance, during the Napoleonic Wars, the French occupation caused significant disorder in the organization of archives, and numerous items in the State Archive of Turin were either confiscated, destroyed, or sent to Paris, resulting in gaps in the historical records. Later, during World War II, while the archive escaped the full scale of destruction experienced by other Italian cities, the general instability of wartime still threatened the preservation of its collections.

With the unification of Italy in the nineteenth century, Turin momentarily acted as the capital of the new kingdom, before that designation was moved to Florence and subsequently to Rome. Consequently, several government records and administrative documents were transferred, further dispersing crucial materials. Some documents that originally belonged to the State Archive of Turin found their way into the national archives in Rome or even the Vatican archives, particularly those relating to church matters. To further complicate the situation, some archival items were included in private collections, especially those of the Savoy family, making them harder to obtain or track down. It is noteworthy that the comprehensive inventory of the Savoy archive located in Turin (the ‘Inventario Real Casa’ in the State Archive of Turin) only contains one incomplete volume (tomo) associated with the financial management of the court during the late seicento. Unfortunately, most documents relate to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with a particular emphasis on those regarding opera production.

One aspect that remains largely unexplored is the mechanism behind the rental of boxes in the Savoy theatre and other financial revenues (like takings from entrance tickets, if any). Another important issue is the monetary resources used to sponsor theatrical spectacles. The sparse surviving documentation shows that funds came directly from Savoy account books, which include payments for singers, stage choreographers, costumes, and machinery.¹³ Opera in Turin, despite being accessible to outside spectators, thus remained fundamentally a court entertainment extended to a larger demographic segment of the population and urban network. It is important to underline that, before the second half of the seventeenth century, theatrical spectacles were staged at various locations throughout the city, such as palaces and parks, and did not take place in a designated space. It was Victor Amadeus who promoted the project of a specific venue for operas open to the public. In 1681, he inaugurated a new court theatre in the ducal palace of San Giovanni, which can be considered a direct ancestor of the modern Teatro Regio (finally completed in 1740).¹⁴ Regular operatic seasons during the carnival period saw the production of two operas, but did not start until 1688. Scholars have often considered the evolution of opera in seventeenth-century Turin strictly in relation to carnival festivities. However, operatic spectacles also occurred outside of this context: as we shall see, the organization of spring and summer operas was not uncommon.

Victor Amadeus’s interest in theatrical spectacles included Venetian opera.¹⁵ As such, he commissioned composers to write similar works for the court theatre. In May 1687, for example, the Duke of Savoy ordered that two commedie in musica (in the Venetian style) be newly composed and staged after the birth of his daughter Maria Anna.¹⁶ Regrettably, we do not know if this plan ever came to fruition. Despite the duke’s appreciation of Venetian opera, few ultimately reached Turin; a comprehensive examination of the spectacles staged in Turin in this period (1688–99) reveals that only four out of twenty-two had been previously performed in Venice and could be associated with the melodrammi organized there (see Table 1).¹⁷ This is surprising considering the centrality of Venetian opera in the scholarly discourse surrounding musical theatre in the seicento and the indisputable importance of the Serenissima in the flourishing of commercial opera. There is another aspect to consider when we differentiate between theatrical activities in Turin and Venice: operas based on ancient Roman subjects (heroes, emperors, etc.) were less prominent at the court of Victor Amadeus II and did not take up much space in the carnival seasons of the royal theatre or in other public musical venues. Greek mythology continued being the chief source for operatic subject matter at the Savoy court. In a general sense, late seventeenth-century opera in Turin remained faithful to its Florentine origins and the earliest drammi in musica, although it moved away from pastoral elegiac narratives of Orpheus.

Table 1. Operas Staged in Turin, 1688–99

Title	Composer	Librettist	Performance	Subject /Remarks
L’amore vendicato [Love Avenged]	G. Sebenico	G. M. Revelli	January 1688	Greek history/mythology
Unknown	Unknown	Unknown	March 1688	Unknown
Silvio re degli Albani [Silvio, King of the Albans]	D. Gabrielli	P. d’Averara	January 1689	Roman history
Leonida in Sparta [Leonidas in Sparta]	G. Sebenico	Unknown	February 1689	Greek history/mythology
I gemelli rivali [The Rival Twins]	Unknown	P. d’Averara	January 1690	Greek-Roman mythology
Il riso nato fra il pianto [Laughter Born amid Tears]	D. B. Sebadini	A. Aureli	January 1694	Roman history
L’Aldimiro re di Cipro [Aldimiro, King of Cyprus]	A. Scarlatti	G. D. de Totis	February 1694	Greek history/mythology
La Tullia [Tullia]	D. Freschi	A. Medolago	February 1694	Roman history. Staged at the Teatro Bormioli (not the Savoy theatre)
L’Alessandro amante eroe [Alexander, Lover and Hero]	M. A. Ziani	D. Domenico	1695	Greek history/mythology Staged in Venice (1691), Ferrara (1695)
L’Anfitrione di Plauto [Plautus’s Amphytrion]	F. Fasoli, A. D. Lignani	C. Signoretti	1695	Greek history/mythology
La Teodora Augusta [Theodora Augusta]	D. Gabrielli	A. Morselli	1695	Greek history/mythology. Staged in Venice (1685), Bologna (1686), Livorno (1690)
La Rosilda [Rosilda]	Unknown	P. d’Averara	February 1696	Persian history
L’amazone corsara [The Corsair Amazon]	C. Pallavicino	G. C. Corradi	December 1696, January 1697	Nordic mythology. Staged in Venice (1696, 1688, 1689), Bologna (1688), Vicenza (1690)
Ierone, tiranno di Siracusa [Hieron, Tyrant of Syracuse]	A. Scarlatti	A. Aureli	February 1697 (?)	Greek history/mythology
Orfeo a torto geloso [Orpheus, Wrongly Jealous]	Unknown	A. Aureli	1 May 1697	Greek history/mythology
Ottaviano in Sicilia [Octavian in Sicily]	F. Ballarotti	E. Pesci	June 1697	Roman history. Staged in Reggio (1692), Bergamo (1695), Parma (1697)
L’Aiace [Ajax]	F. Ballarotti, C. A. Lonati, P. Magni	P. d’Averara	October and November 1697	Greek history/mythology. Staged in Milan (1694)
L’Aristomene [Aristomenes]	Unknown	P. d’Averara	December 1697, January 1698	Greek history/mythology
Il figlio delle selve [The Son of the Forests]	Unknown	C. S. Capece	December 1698	Greek history/mythology
Endimione [Endymion]	Unknown	F. Lemene	26 January 1699	Greek history/mythology. Staged in Modena (1698)
Esione [Hesione]	F. Ballarotti	P. d’Averara	January 1699	Greek history/mythology
L’incoronazione di Dario [The Coronation of Darius]	Unknown	Unknown	January 1699 (?)	Greek history/mythology. Two operas with same title (different composers/librettists) were staged in Venice (1684) and Bologna (1686)

The changing social status of opera singers is a relevant topic that has attracted scholarly attention.¹⁸ In the late seventeenth century, they held a distinctly influential position within both the elite culture of royal courts and the vibrant realm of commercial entertainment. This dual function is particularly evident when exploring the court of Savoy in Turin, where opera was utilized as a diplomatic tool, in contrast with the public opera houses of Venice (as well as Naples and Rome), where singers emerged as entrepreneurial stars within a burgeoning entertainment industry. At the Savoy court, opera served not only as a form of aristocratic leisure but also as a means of dynastic representation and political ceremony, and performers were vital participants in grand productions specifically organized for royal weddings and other occasions. Often enriched with content derived from Greek mythology or allegory, these operas accentuated the House of Savoy as a lineage distinguished by political and historical significance.

The opera singers employed by the court were typically highly skilled professionals, often selected from renowned Italian musical hubs. Many were castrati, while others were acclaimed female performers (prime donne) whose renown transcended the confines of the court. These artists did not solely engage in secular performances; they also sometimes took part in sacred services at the Cappella Regia (Royal Chapel), reflecting a broader practice throughout European courts where vocalists transitioned between sacred and theatrical repertoires. Conversely, commercial opera had long thrived in Venice, which hosted several opera houses catering to an international audience; unlike the court model, commercial opera was open to the public, profit-oriented, and intensely competitive. Singers operated as independent contractors, negotiating terms with impresarios and establishing reputations that could extend across Europe. Audience members attended performances as much for the celebrated vocalists as for the narrative or musical composition.

Opera did not exist independently from its singers, either in its creation or in its performance. Singers acted as the voice and face of the opera, serving as its true promoters. They played a crucial role in turning a private musical arrangement into a public performance, effectively delivering the opera to its audience. At first, singers were seen as equal partners (or sometimes less important) in the production of an opera; over time, however, they gained unquestioned dominance. They moved from being representatives of opera to becoming its very embodiment. Singers were paid based on their role or prominence in a production, but their salaries also varied depending on where they came from. Since many singers were hired from outside cities like Turin and Venice, their fees often included travel and accommodation expenses. Their rising pay highlights what other evidence also shows: singers had become the most important figures in the opera world. Opera producers, or impresarios, focused much of their efforts on hiring top-tier singers, and even sent agents across Italy to scout for standout performers. A strong singer could determine the success or failure of an entire opera season, often regardless of the quality of the opera itself. Audiences and critics credited singers with much of the success or failure of a performance.¹⁹

The clearest sign of the singers’ growing influence was their increasing control over the operas they performed in. Traditionally, roles were adapted to suit a singer’s voice and strengths, but eventually, singers began demanding more significant changes. These changes sometimes disrupted the carefully crafted dramatic structure, affecting the balance between action and reflection within the opera. Evidence of their growing authority can be found in letters between singers and impresarios, comments by librettists, and most notably in the operas themselves. Wealthy patrons like Victor Amadeus II could act as agents or impresarios for the singers, negotiating their contracts and handling their personal needs.²⁰ In some cases, the influence of singers went far beyond their roles on stage; they could shape decisions usually made by composers, librettists, or impresarios. This included choosing which opera to perform, selecting the cast, and even influencing who composed the music.

In this commercial landscape, performers enjoyed considerable autonomy. They could demand substantial fees, influence casting decisions, and sometimes even modify scores to highlight their own abilities. Notable singers such as Giovanni Francesco Grossi (‘Siface’) and Giulia Masotti became well-known figures, developing personal supporters and participating in high-profile rivalries.²¹ However, despite the nature of commercial endeavours, many maintained strong connections to the courts, frequently transitioning between courtly and public environments to seek fame and financial gain. Indeed, numerous singers performed at the court of Savoy before taking roles in commercial theatres, or the other way around; movement between these two realms was quite commonplace. By the late seventeenth century, Turin itself began to explore semi-public opera. Though this remained under court authority, the shift reflected Turin’s increasing penchant for merging aristocratic culture with public performance, prominently featuring opera singers at the heart of this evolution. Therefore the opera singer of the late seventeenth century represented a highly versatile persona, both a court servant and a commercial operator, an embodiment of dynastic ideology and a celebrated figure within a growing entertainment market. In courts like Savoy, they represented the power and sophistication of their patrons; in public theatres, they emerged as icons within a dynamic, competitive musical landscape.

Virtuosas (female singers) still relied on influential aristocrats for protection, although one may contend that patronage relationships became more fluid. Patrons in various Italian courts maintained salaried singers, but the latter could count on external sources of income, especially on financial compensation (money, gifts, professional favours) for operatic performances. In this sense the production of commercial operas depended heavily on the circulation of singers and their ability to move freely between operatic stages. The documents presented here further outline the movements of castrati and female singers in search of new professional opportunities. The cases of Francesco Ballerini and Bussolei are emblematic in this context.²² They left Mantua without the recommendation of their patron (Ferdinand Gonzaga) or a formal offer of employment from the Duke of Savoy. According to the avvisi of May 1687, they travelled to Turin in the hope of being hired for two operas scheduled for the autumn. Surprisingly, their hopes were dashed; all the leading roles had already been filled. In certain cases, Victor Amadeus may have been personally involved in the hiring process, while in others, he charged one of his impresarios with this responsibility.²³

The frequent departures of singers sometimes led to diplomatic and legal contentions. Clarice Gigli, for example, was in the entourage of Ferdinand Gonzaga but had no obligation to reside in Mantua. Thanks to her professional reputation, she could live in Florence and travel elsewhere to participate in theatrical performances.²⁴ Some letters illuminate Gigli’s fragmentary biography and her interactions with the Savoy court. In October 1687, the virtuosa had to remain in Florence due to a legal constraint imposed on her by Cosimo III de Medici. This restriction, which was enforced after her prolonged stay in Mantua, represented an obstacle in the negotiations between the Grand Duke of Tuscany and Victor Amadeus, who engaged the singer for an opera in Turin. However, the departure of Gigli was only approved on one condition: that she would return to Florence immediately after the conclusion of the operas performed at the Savoy court:

In the past days, the singer Clarice [Gigli] wished to go to Turin to serve the most serene [Duke of Savoy] in an opera [Love Avenged] […] but a penal constraint did not allow her to go away from Florence […] For her to be free to leave, it was necessary that the most serene Grand Duke had to remove the aforementioned restriction. This was agreed on the condition that she will return immediately to Florence from [the court] of his most serene [Highness] in Turin, without going anywhere else.²⁵

Not too long after this letter was sent, Cosimo III permitted Gigli to leave.²⁶ Other documents confirm the presence of the virtuosa in Turin, where she sojourned at the residence of General Grondara, and reveal the imminent arrival in the city of two other famous singers, Barbara Riccioni (Barbaruccia) and Domenico Cecchi (Cortona).²⁷ During her stay at the Savoy court, Gigli and the chapel master Giovanni Carisio travelled to the castle of Moncalieri (one of the family palaces) to perform for the ducal entourage. The last avviso reports that Carisio died a few days later. Victor Amadeus had commissioned the music for a new opera from him, planned for the following carnival festivities, but his unexpected death prevented the completion of the final scenes.²⁸ Meanwhile, the preparation of the opera scheduled for the next carnival season, which included a series of ballets, had started; in early December 1687, all the singers were in Turin to attend the rehearsals.²⁹ They could exercise considerable influence on high-ranking aristocrats and on the music written for the operatic stage, and at the Savoy court, castrati and female singers requested arias specifically composed to display their vocal abilities. Their wishes did not remain unfulfilled, because his ‘Royal Highness’ was often willing to satisfy their demands. Victor Amadeus’s expectations for operatic spectacles were indeed very high, as in 1687, when he placed a Venetian engineer in charge of the theatre’s scenic design.³⁰

Most Italian chronicles provide generic information concerning the musical activities at court. Some sources, however, inform us about the types of entertainment and their frequency under Victor Amadeus, whose attention did not focus on a single musical genre:

To make the carnival enjoyable, the grand ball will take place on Sunday, the opera on Monday, the small dance in the parade hall on Tuesday, the music on Wednesday, the French comedy on Thursday […] The rehearsals of the opera that will be performed in this theatre have begun, and the musicians and dancers will make it delightful.³¹

The opera mentioned in the above dispatch can be identified as L’amore vendicato [Love Avenged], which was scheduled for early January. Due to an unexpected delay, however, the first performance was cancelled. This episode led to the prompt intervention of the duke: according to his directives, it had to be staged on the evening of 18 January 1688, but, as the chronicles report, it was not performed until 1 February.³² A week later, we learn from the avvisi that L’amore vendicato ‘was universally appreciated, and the quality of the musicians, the beauty of the scenes, as well as the sumptuousness of the costumes really showed the magnanimity of the sovereign’.³³ The opera attracted spectators from all parts of Italy, and public enthusiasm was high, especially regarding the exceptional performances of Cecchi (Cortona) and Riccioni. They gained the duke’s esteem and secured new roles in the spectacles scheduled for the following year:

The opera continues to be performed twice a week; it always brings more appreciation and applause, [and] many travellers come to listen to it […] It is said that his highness has already engaged Cortona and Barbaruccia, who are the acclaimed singers for the opera of next year.³⁴

Additional documents confirm that a second opera was performed before the final departure of the singers. It is evident that Cecchi, Riccioni, and Gigli were present in Turin for the entire operatic season. The former two returned to Mantua during the second week of March, but Gigli remained to look after her sick mother.³⁵ The new information concerning these castrati and virtuosas associated with Savoy’s circle (including Ballerini and Bussolei) shows that the Gonzaga court was an important hub for the circulation of court opera singers between Mantua and Turin.³⁶

The diplomatic ties between Victor Amadeus II and Ferdinando Carlo Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua and Montferrat, were characterized by formal courtesy yet marked by strategic tension, influenced more by geopolitical factors than by substantial collaboration. The courts of Turin and Mantua maintained official diplomatic interactions, which included ambassadors, envoys, and correspondence. However, mutual suspicion, especially regarding Montferrat’s proximity to Savoy, restricted genuine cooperation. Ferdinando Carlo was aligned with France, whereas Victor Amadeus, while still a nominal ally of France, was seeking political autonomy and leaning towards the Habsburgs. Mantua’s growing reliance on France reduced its diplomatic flexibility, while Savoy was starting to adopt a more assertive and independent foreign policy.³⁷

Despite existing political tensions, cultural exchanges continued to thrive. Both courts supported the arts, including music, painting, and theatre, leading to a flow of artists between Mantua and Turin. Although its political power was reduced, the Mantuan court preserved a cultural legacy established by the earlier Gonzaga rulers, which continued to impact nearby courts. In contrast, Victor Amadeus II was dedicated to modernizing and enhancing the prestige of the Savoy court by employing both foreign and Italian artists and singers, many of whom had ties to Mantua. Common ceremonial practices, court etiquette, and cultural traditions helped sustain a facade of civility and aristocratic unity, even considering the political divides. Italian opera served as a shared cultural passion. Both courts sponsored opera productions and hired composers and singers who circulated among elite musical networks. Performers travelled between Turin and Mantua through mutual patrons, clients, and agents, even if not directly facilitated by state collaborations.

One more element that emerges from the descriptions of Savoy spectacles in the avvisi, apart from the career movements of court singers, is the emphasis on elaborate machinery and innovative scenography. This also applies to the royal ballets and operas staged in the succeeding years.³⁸ The opera scene in Turin was closely linked to the visual artistry and spectacle of court ballets and other elite entertainments. Dance was a crucial component of the operas presented at court, and it was occasionally incorporated into librettos that had been performed elsewhere. Operas frequently utilized advanced stage technology, such as chariot-and-pole systems, trapdoors, cloud machines, and flying systems, to achieve dazzling effects. Theatrical illusions like deities descending from the skies, shifting landscapes, and other scenic designs aimed to express opulence, mythological splendour, or elements of classical antiquity.

The stage design of Turin’s operas was significantly shaped by the visual set-ups of court ballets and theatrical events. In certain instances, the same venues (like the court theatre) and the same design teams, comprising designers, engineers, and choreographers, collaborated on both operas and ballets. Early operatic performances in Turin incorporated dance sections, directly drawing from the tradition of court ballet, which focused on allegorical or mythological narratives, reflected in the plots and visual representations of opera. Both opera and ballet acted as tools of propaganda, showcasing ducal or royal authority through allegorical themes. Visual motifs (including sun symbols, triumphal arches, or classical ruins) reinforced the symbolism of dynastic power. Costumes were richly embroidered and made with silks and velvets, reinforcing the princely splendour of the court.

Positioned between France and Italy, Turin assimilated the styles of French court ballet (ballet de cour) alongside Italian opera advancements. This blended visual style typically fused the Italian penchant for grand stagecraft and innovative machinery with the French focus on decorum and formal dance. In the seventeenth century, the staging of opera in Turin was part of a broader court culture that valued visual grandeur, allegory, and technical creativity. An avviso dated 15 January 1689 announced the premiere of Silvio re degli Albani [Silvio, King of the Albans], which was very well received; the writer again emphasized the outstanding musical performance and the elegance of the costumes, which reflected the munificence of Victor Amadeus II, as well as the beauty of the scenes and ballets.³⁹ This is one of the very few late seventeenth-century operas based on Roman subjects that were staged in Turin. Victor Amadeus and his entourage commissioned this work from the poet Pietro d’Averara, who tailored the libretto specifically for the Savoy theatre (with music by Domenico Gabrielli); on the opening page, d’Averara states that he wrote it ‘to obey the royal commands of a great Prince’.⁴⁰ The publication of the libretto was assigned to the court printer Bartolomeo Zappata. From the documentary evidence of how the court theatre was run and by whom, we know that, at least for the years 1688–90, d’Averara oversaw the impresarial organization of operatic spectacles; details regarding his formal involvement in the running of the theatre, however, remain unknown.

Silvio re degli Albani was increasingly successful; meanwhile, rehearsals for the second opera had begun, in mid-January 1689. The preparations were accompanied by the usual court entertainments, and Victor Amadeus and various nobles attended the operas.⁴¹ Once again, the singers were ‘splendidly compensated’ and confirmed for the next operatic season; less than ten months later, they were back in Turin to take part in new theatrical spectacles.⁴² The positive impact of Silvio re degli Albani on the audience and the success of the plot must have impressed the Duke of Savoy, who entrusted d’Averara with the composition of another libretto, I gemelli rivali [The Rival Twins] for the following carnival season (see Figure 2):

Figure 2. Pietro d’Averara’s message to the reader in the libretto of I gemelli rivali (Domenico Paulino, 1690).

Last year, after having composed [the libretto] to obey you, your satisfaction made me deserve the honour of new royal orders. [This is] a strong reason to make me undertake the task to entertain you again with more courage and diligence.⁴³

According to the author, changes and omissions were made to the original text and set design, including the insertion of a new ballo. Three anonymous composers wrote the music.⁴⁴ By 14 January 1690, only a few weeks after the beginning of the operatic season in Turin, I gemelli rivali had already been performed three times consecutively. Once again, spectators reportedly admired ‘the music, the luxurious costumes, and perfect voices’.⁴⁵ More importantly, contemporary chronicles reveal that the highly regarded castrato Siface travelled from Modena to Turin to participate in at least two performances, for which he received the unanimous praise of the royal court.⁴⁶

The avvisi for the period 1691–93 are missing. This is not a coincidence: operatic activities were suspended during the war that occurred in those years. They resume on 22 January 1694 and include glowing opinions about the first performance of Il riso nato tra il pianto [Laughter Born amid Tears].⁴⁷ On 6 February, the rehearsals for L’Aldimiro re di Cipro [Aldimiro, King of Cyprus], which was scheduled to be premiered two weeks later, had just concluded; however, due to the imminent departure of Victor Amadeus to Milan, this second opera was postponed to the end of the spring season (in May). Because of this unexpected change of plan, carnival celebrations ended with the performance of another, unspecified, opera (likely La Tullia, staged at the Teatro Bormioli in February 1694) and a grand ball at the palace of the prince of Carignano.⁴⁸

Chronicles for the year 1695 are silent on theatrical activities in Turin. Based on three extant librettos, we can speculate that the operas La Teodora Augusta [Theodora Augusta], L’Alessandro amante eroe [Alexander, Lover and Hero], and L’Anfitrione di Plauto [Plautus’s Amphitryon] may have been staged. The latter was written by Claudio Signoretti, who dedicated the work to Victor Amadeus. The encomiastic and obsequious words of the author conceal his intention to secure Savoy’s protection:

It has always been a peculiar effort of literary men to obtain eminent patronage at the feet of thrones, and to find a safe shelter for their compositions under the shade of crowns […] I present L’Anfitrione di Plauto to your royal highness […] and I confirm, as a servant, the acts of my deepest reverence.⁴⁹

Apparently, Signoretti’s attempt to establish closer ties to Victor Amadeus’s poetic circle did not bring favourable results; L’Anfitrione was his first and last contribution as a librettist to operatic productions in Turin. For the operas of the following year (1696), Savoy opted for an existing libretto (L’amazone corsara [The Corsair Amazon]) by the more famous Giulio Cesare Corradi, and a new script that d’Averara had written specifically for the Savoy theatre (La Rosilda). In these circumstances, the avvisi do not mention the titles of the spectacles, which are instead indicated in the extant copies of the librettos.⁵⁰ The first opera (a re-elaboration of the Amazone corsara previously performed in Venice) was more successful than the second. It was performed again before the conclusion of the carnival festivities and may be the same work staged at the residence of the noble Monsignor Druent, where Victor Amadeus hosted a lavish dinner and a dance entertainment.⁵¹ Furthermore, a new document shows that L’amazone corsara opened the new operatic season of 1697, to the ‘applause of the audience’.⁵²

As mentioned earlier, though mostly focused on carnival, by the late seventeenth century, the Savoy court began offering summer operatic spectacles as well. These performances may have been less elaborate but could attract a mixed social crowd, including wealthy patricians on holiday and foreign visitors. On 1 May 1697, Orfeo a torto geloso [Orpheus, Wrongly Jealous] was staged in the more private setting of the teatrino di corte (small court theatre) at the Savoy palace (as stated in the libretto), which suggests the existence of another, smaller theatre specifically dedicated to the performance of operas.⁵³ A dispatch dated 20 June 1697 reveals that a new dramma in musica titled Ottaviano in Sicilia [Octavian in Sicily] was performed. The staging of this opera in Turin has been heretofore unknown because the libretto has not survived; it was likely an adaptation of the spectacle presumably staged in Parma in the same year, but no further information is available.⁵⁴ We know that Ottaviano certainly engaged the interest of the Duchess of Savoy, who attended at least two performances of it.⁵⁵ Her presence (with the Duke of Sesto) is also recorded at the long-awaited production of L’Aiace [Ajax] in October, which was staged again in November. The remarkable success of this work further corroborates that residents and travellers could attend first-rate operatic performances in Turin throughout the entire year.⁵⁶

The avvisi regarding the last years of the seventeenth century continue to cover the same range of cultural topics, offering new information on musical events at court. We learn that two major entertainments took place, the cantata L’Esperidi su la riva del Po [The Hesperides on the Banks of the Po] and the opera L’Aristomene [Aristomenes].⁵⁷ Il figlio delle selve [The Son of the Forests], which received public approval, was staged for the first time in December 1698.⁵⁸ As for the second opera (Endimione [Endymion]), it is possible to trace the exact day of the premiere to 26 January 1699.⁵⁹ Five days later, news about the recent premiere of Esione [Hesione] arrived; d’Averara dedicated this work to Duchess Maria Anna, consort of Victor Amadeus.⁶⁰ The cast included Diana Orelia (a virtuosa from Savoy) in the principal role of Berenice, as well as singers of the calibre of Margherita Salicola and Giovanni Batista Tamburini, protégés respectively of the Duke of Modena and Cardinal de Medici.⁶¹

The Avvisi di Torino represent a fascinating and valuable primary source for scholars of Turinese opera and for those who study opera in general. They provide an accurate and reliable chronology of operas performed in Turin, offering new information on singers and many other aspects. Despite the variety of musical genres promoted under the patronage of Victor Amadeus II, it was opera above all that the duke publicly supported. The operatic activity in Turin was not linked solely to carnival celebrations, and Venetian opera exercised minimal influence on the repertoire produced in the Savoy theatre under Victor Amadeus’s regency. The semi-public mechanism of opera production was a key component of the court patronage system, and remained under the control of a centralized administrative body and hierarchy; therefore it would be inaccurate to view the financing of opera in the city as a commercial and public business based on the Venetian model. Akin to other aristocratic entertainments that were associated with dynastic celebrations, operas served a political purpose, projecting the prestige and economic strength of Savoy sovereigns, who had total financial responsibility over the preparation of the operatic spectacles. The court theatre represented a midpoint between the public and private spheres, a selective window into the opulent lifestyle of Turinese nobility. It was open to spectators able to afford a seat, but at the same time was an exclusive pastime for aristocrats and invited officials. Seventeenth-century opera at the Savoy court remained a divertimento di corte addressed also to an urban audience who found pleasure in theatrical entertainments that were previously confined within the walls of aristocratic residences.