This symposium explores the ways in which women are descriptively represented in political science, by exploring the ways in which they are positioned institutionally in Spain, Finland, Germany and the United Kingdom. The symposium also explores the ways in which structures may serve to disadvantage women, by analysing HE policy and citation practices. Critical theory reminds us that in observing power structures we can seek to change them, and so our conclusion reflects on some more practical suggestions.

While there is an abundant use of macro data in the social sciences, little attention is given to the sources or the construction of these data. Owing to the restricted amount of indices or items, researchers most often apply the ‘available data at hand’. Since the opportunities to analyse data are constantly increasing and the availability of macro indicators is improving as well, one may be enticed to incorporate even qualitatively inferior indicators for the sake of statistically significant results. The pitfalls of applying biased indicators or using instruments with unknown methodological characteristics are biased estimates, false statistical inferences and, as one potential consequence, the derivation of misleading policy recommendations. This Special Issue assembles contributions that attempt to stimulate the missing debate about the criteria of assessing aggregate data and their measurement properties for comparative analyses.

Simulations, understood as complex role plays, are nowadays widely used in (university) teaching to actively engage students and promote content-specific interactive learning, understanding, and communication. There is a growing debate about the functions and benefits of simulations in the university teaching context. Simulating the EU is not yet as common as simulating the UN, but the use of EU simulations gradually increases. In this paper, we discuss several aspects of EU simulations. First, we briefly review the importance of the EU in current European politics, and to its growing complexity, which represents a challenge for teaching and studying European integration. Second, we indicate that simulations address new didactical demands that arose in the context of the Bologna Process and the so-called ‘shift from teaching to learning’. And third, we move beyond the debate of EU simulations as merely an active learning tool, and discuss the (underestimated) role they may play as quasi-experiments, which may constitute a valuable resource both for didactical and European integration research. Together, these three aspects make EU simulations a promising multi-dimensional tool.

Simulations can be extremely successful in acquainting participants with a negotiation’s logic and process, especially in those political systems in which negotiations are prominent, such as the European Union (EU). After a brief introduction on the simulations in teaching the European integration, in this article we present, step-by-step, a simulation game on the adoption of a real piece of European legislation: the regulation that implemented the European Citizens’ Initiative, one of the main innovations of the Lisbon Treaty. Special attention is devoted to the different phases of a simulation design, from the choice of the topic, the choice and allocation of roles, the preparation of all the necessary documentation, to the debriefing and assessment phases. The article originates from a 4-year long study with undergraduate students from two Italian universities.

In political research and everyday politics, Finland is often presented as one of the gender-equal countries. The Nordic countries, Finland included, top a number of gender equality indices indicating that women’s societal position is particularly advanced. Feminist research, however, seeks to highlight the issue specificity of such evaluations. While Finland comes out on top in terms of a number of indicators, there are other areas where Finland is a laggard. Gender equality in the Academy is a case point. About a quarter of professors are women in Finland but their numbers fluctuate a lot from one discipline to another. Political science has traditionally been very male dominated, and the notion of politics is perceived as masculine. This article provides a brief overview of the current status of women in political science in Finland. It revisits earlier findings about how political science as a discipline is gendered in Finland and evaluates their pertinence today. The article then discusses the current situation and evaluates the changed institutional context. Despite progress made in numbers, gender continues to shape the political science discipline in Finland.

In aggregate, general government spending in a democracy always tends to exceed general government revenue. This is because local orders of government typically raise less than they spend, with the difference covered by a block grant. This sets up well-known moral hazards associated with the resultant vertical fiscal imbalance. Various strategies for reducing this moral hazard are discussed, with foci on the possibilities of secession and of finding other ways to apply the Tiebout and marginalism principles.

Scholars often study isolated media effects using one method at one time point in one country. We seek to generalise the research in this area by examining hundreds of press-worthy events across dozens of countries at various points in time with an array of techniques and outcome measures. In particular, we merge a database containing thousands of events with five waves of the European Social Survey to conduct analyses across countries and individuals as well as within countries and for specific respondents. The results suggest that there is an impressive degree of heterogeneity when it comes to how citizens react to political developments. Some events generate significant opinion changes when groups of individuals who are ‘treated’ are compared with ‘control’ cases. However, other events produce modest or even null findings with methods that employ different counterfactuals. Thus, findings of both strong and weak media effects that scholars have uncovered over the years could be a function of methodological choices as well as context-specific factors such as institutional arrangements, media systems, eras, or event characteristics. Data limitations also make some research designs possible while they preclude others. We conclude with advice for others who wish to study political events in this manner as well as discussion of media effects, broadly construed.

One of the most notable challenges of getting colleagues to try out simulations in European studies teaching is the overcoming of start-up costs. In particular, the creation of a scenario from scratch or the adaptation of an existing game can be daunting. The article discusses these challenges and their origins in the fundamental assumptions that simulations make about both the world and pedagogy. In particular, the tension between the simple rules that are understood to capture real-world phenomena and the complexity that those rules produce creates not only an excellent learning opportunity but also a barrier to developing useful resources for simulation designers. The article offers a number of ways that such a barrier can be overcome, including the development of a simulation designer community, use of online guides and the creation of simulations that teach about simulation design. These ideas are illustrated with a number of practical examples.

The authors reflect on the potential of simulation games for teaching the European Union. They argue that when developing or using simulations it is imperative to decide, first of all, on the learning objective(s). The authors distinguish games geared primarily towards conveying knowledge from those aimed at training soft skills. The former can focus on teaching the processes and dynamics of European politics (politics), on teaching factual knowledge about a given policy field (policy) or on teaching the Union’s institutional aspects (polity). The second category concerns objectives such as training teamwork, communication and negotiation skills, as well as empathy, the ability to deal with complexity and making decisions under stress. The relevance of these objectives for teaching and training students is assessed on the basis of case studies describing different simulation game concepts. Although the authors acknowledge that simulation games enjoy an increasing popularity within academic teaching, they maintain that their use in European Studies is largely restricted to classical concepts and argue for a more extensive use of more experimental simulation games.

There is a long tradition in comparative research on industrial relations of analysis concentrating on differences and similarities between countries, that is, focusing on aggregates measured at the national level. But what happens if there are no (more) differences in industrial relations systems between countries? If there are not differences the question arises if comparative research is becoming meaningless? Concentrating predominantly on statistical and methodological aspects, it is argued in this article that over recent decades industrial relations systems have changed in such a way that the national level has become less relevant as a unit of analysis. It is explained that this development in the nature of the field affects the measurement of its indicators which form the backbone of any comparison. On the basis of an empirical comparison of key industrial relations indicators in the European Union member states, it is concluded that comparative research has not reached a dead end, but rather that the field might have to reconsider the relevant unit for analysis. It is shown that the relevant unit for analysis has shifted increasingly from the national towards the sectoral level. One consequence of this shift is that from a methodological perspective comparisons between sectors, rather than between countries, are nowadays often more informative.

Women are grossly underrepresented in the German political science profession, but some progress in breaking the glass ceiling has been made in the last 20 years. This article outlines women’s entry and advancement in the German academic community. We examine the particulars of obtaining a German doctorate and the nature of how postdocs prepare for their qualifications to receive a tenured professorship. We also analyse the gendered nature of the German academic institution and measures for promoting equal opportunity. Our findings show that gender inequalities are visible in the number of women in the profession and in their rank, although some progress has been made in closing this gap. Equal opportunity measures and some changes in German academic institutions, such as in the German Political Science Association (DVPW), have benefited women. Problems remain, however, in German universities’ inability to provide postdoc level job security and (in many cases) adequate pay in the postdoc phase. More permanent lecturer positions are needed in Germany.

After several decades of institutionalization of political science as a scholarly discipline in Russia, its quantitative output is quite impressive. This article offers a critical reconsideration of its substantive impact on scholarship in political science – and considers why that output has not been so impressive in terms of increasing knowledge about politics, both in Russia and beyond. It presents an overview of the state of Russian political science, with an emphasis on its major theoretical, methodological, and empirical shortcomings. It also considers the role of historical, institutional, and political factors for its developmental trajectory, and offers some suggestions for overcoming them.

Co-optation is one of the most important concepts that have been discussed in recent years to explain the persistence of autocratic regimes. Institutions like parties, legislatures, and elections have all been shown to fulfil a co-optation function. However, a broader assessment of co-optation beyond an institutional focus has yet to be undertaken. This article addresses this lacuna and presents a comprehensive concept and operationalisation of co-optation in autocratic regimes. The article argues that co-optation is constituted by the compensation of the regime’s vulnerability to threats posed by powerful societal pressure groups. The article highlights how compensation of vulnerability can be achieved through institutional inclusion or material benefits, and how this has to be tailored to the respective pressure group’s requirements. I collect twenty-six indicators of vulnerability and compensation related to six societal pressure groups and aggregate them into an index of co-optation that reflects the structure of the theoretical concept. The index is evaluated by examining distributions within and across categories of autocratic legislatures, and by testing its effect on autocratic regime breakdown in a set of Cox survival models.

The article analyses how the setting of EU simulations influences negotiation outcomes, that is, the content of the simulated directives. We have played the same simulation of the chocolate directive – the same roles and the same Commission proposal – in various settings (with different kinds of participants, various group sizes, for one or two days, with instructors or participants playing the European Parliament (EP)). A quantitative analysis elucidates relations between settings and outcomes we would not see when considering only one simulation at a time. First, the simulation scales well. Simulation duration, number and kind of participants have little impact on the range of outcomes. Second, the directive is more liberal if participants play the EP, indicating that our instructors play the EP too tough. Third, Swiss participants negotiate stricter and more consensual directives. These results can inform the further evolution of the simulation based on hard data.

This article incorporates and analyses some quantitative indicators relating to the status of women in the field of political science in Spain. These statistics are broken down according to the gender of undergraduates and Ph.D. dissertations, as well as the teaching staff in all Spanish political science departments. Likewise, in order to offer information concerning those working in this field, the gender gap of members and the executive board of the Spanish Association of Political Science is also included. Finally, the same gender breakdowns have been made for the scientific committees of the political science conferences held in Spain, and the authorship of articles published in the Spanish Journal of Political Science since its inception.

UK Higher Education has recently entered uncharted waters – this includes changes to the fee structures in England and ever increasing pressure to perform to measurables such as Key Information Sets, Destinations of Leavers in Higher Education data and a plethora of Key Performance Indicators. In this article, we highlight key findings from recent research regarding the status of women in the profession – with particular emphasis upon evidence that may suggest a gender divide in terms of research and teaching. We then go on to explore primary data from a number of sources to explore whether male and female academics in the UK have different priorities, and question to what extent recent reforms will exacerbate a ‘glass ceiling’ or ‘leaking pipeline’ and further challenge the diversity of the profession.

What is state repression? This article explores in detail how state repression is conceptualized by the two most prevalent data sets employed by qualitative scholars: the Political Terror Scale (PTS) and the Cingranelli-Richards (CIRI) data set. The article uses disaggregated data on the characteristics of state’s repressive strategy and compare changes in these subcomponents in years when the overall measure of repression increases or decreases. Following bivariate and multivariate analyses of eighteen West African countries with a history of fluctuating human rights practices, the article finds that both the PTS and CIRI scores are primarily influenced by military involvement in human rights violations. The article highlights the need for more scholarship on the mechanisms behind the finding that democracies are less repressive than other regimes and motivates more studies on how and when repression decreases.

Simulations have become popular teaching tools in political science and EU studies curricula. Proponents point out that simulations match with constructivist theories of learning. They argue that students will better understand EU decision making when they combine theoretical knowledge about negotiation theory with knowledge about how the EU works and with the experience of negotiating as if they were EU actors. This article aims to validate the pedagogical claims by constructivists regarding simulations in two ways. It assesses the organisation of EuroSim, a four day comprehensive simulation of EU decision making organised by the Trans-Atlantic Consortium for European Union Studies & Simulations (TACEUSS) as an active learning environment. In addition, using data from pre- and post-simulation surveys among participants, the authors show that through participation in simulations students gained in the areas of affective learning, such as the ability for self-assessment, as suggested by the constructivist literature.