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Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 January 2026

Nicolas A. Crossley*
Affiliation:
Department of Psychiatry, School of Medicine, Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Chile Centro de Interés Nacional para Investigación e Innovación en Niñez, Adolescencia, Resiliencia y Adversidad, IINARA, Chile Department of Psychiatry, Antioquia University, Colombia Department of Psychiatry, University of Oxford, United Kingdom
Leticia Czepielewski
Affiliation:
Departamento de Psicologia do Desenvolvimento e da Personalidade, Programa de Pos-Graduacao em Psicologia, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil
Ana M.B. Menezes
Affiliation:
Universidade Federal de Pelotas, Brazil
Fernando Wehrmeister
Affiliation:
Universidade Federal de Pelotas, Brazil
Clarissa S. Gama
Affiliation:
Department of Psychiatry, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil
*
Corresponding author: Nicolas Crossley; Email: ncrossley@uc.cl
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Abstract

Gender, as a sociostructural factor, may shape child development through social norms that influence family dynamics. We examined whether more egalitarian parental relationships are associated with better developmental outcomes. Using data from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort (Brazil), we adapted a population-level gender inequality metric to characterise parental relationships. The Couple’s Gender Inequality Index (CGII) was derived from maternal health, parental education and income. Associations between CGII and educational attainment, quality of life, and depression at age 18 were assessed using linear regression models adjusted for family income, gestational age, birth weight, parental cohabitation and race. The sample comprised 2,852 participants (1,446 women). Higher CGII scores, indicating greater equality within couples, were associated with significantly higher educational attainment in both females and males. Higher quality of life at age 18 was observed in the second and fourth CGII quartiles compared with the most unequal. Greater equality was associated with lower risk of depression at age 18, although this association was not robust to adjustment. Among girls, a similar pattern was observed for emotional symptoms at age 15. Overall, greater couple-level gender inequality was associated with poorer developmental outcomes in offspring.

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Type
Research Article
Creative Commons
Creative Common License - CCCreative Common License - BY
This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution and reproduction, provided the original article is properly cited.
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2026. Published by Cambridge University Press

Impact statement

Gender norms shape children’s lives. However, most measures of gender inequality are designed for comparing countries or large communities. While these indicators are valuable, they cannot capture how gender dynamics influence the development of an individual child. Crossley et al. address this gap by developing the CGII, a tool that reflects the balance of resources, opportunities and health between mothers and fathers in a particular household. By applying the CGII to a long-running birth cohort in southern Brazil, they show that this family-level measure of gender equality is meaningfully linked to children’s later outcomes. Young people who grew up in more gender-equal households tended to achieve higher levels of education and reported a better quality of life in adolescence. They also showed fewer symptoms of depression and emotional difficulties. These associations were seen for boys and girls, suggesting that gender equality within the family benefits all children. The broader impact of this work is the demonstration that gender inequality can be measured in a way that is practical, scalable and relevant for both research and policy. The CGII allows for the identification of families who may be experiencing unequal gender dynamics, in contrast to national or regional indicators that mask variation within communities. This tool can support more targeted interventions, help evaluate programmes aimed at improving parental equity and deepen our understanding of how everyday family structures contribute to long-term developmental and mental health outcomes.

Introduction

Gender is a complex system of social difference and inequality that goes beyond an individual’s attribute (Homan, Reference Homan2019). It can have a major impact on people’s lives and health (Heise et al., Reference Heise, Greene, Opper, Stavropoulou, Harper, Nascimento, Zewdie, Darmstadt, Greene, Hawkes, Henry, Heymann, Klugman, Levine, Raj and Rao Gupta2019), even from an early age. Gender norms are acquired during early adolescence (Blum et al., Reference Blum, Mmari and Moreau2017), and evidence suggests that they modulate the risk of developing mental health problems such as depression in both young people (Koenig et al., Reference Koenig, Blum, Shervington, Green, Li, Tabana and Moreau2021) and adults (Seedat et al., Reference Seedat, Scott, Angermeyer, Berglund, Bromet, Brugha, Demyttenaere, De Girolamo, Haro, Jin, Karam, Kovess-Masfety, Levinson, Medina Mora, Ono, Ormel, Pennell, Posada-Villa, Sampson, Williams and Kessler2009). Furthermore, social factors have been proposed to become biologically “embedded” during development, with long-term consequences (Hertzman, Reference Hertzman2012), a process observed in the brains of adult women living in gender unequal environments (Zugman et al., Reference Zugman, Alliende, Medel, Bethlehem, Seidlitz, Ringlein, Arango, Arnatkevičiūtė, Asmal, Zugman, Alliende, Medel, Bethlehem, Seidlitz, Ringlein, Arango, Arnatkeviciute, Asmal, Bellgrove, Benegal, Bernardo, Billeke, Bosch-Bayard, Bressan, Busatto, Castro, Chaim-Avancini, Compte, Costanzi, Czepielewski, Dazzan, de la Fuente-Sandoval, Di Forti, Díaz-Caneja, María Díaz-Zuluaga, Du Plessis, Duran, Fittipaldi, Fornito, Freimer, Gadelha, Gama, Garani, Garcia-Rizo, Gonzalez Campo, Gonzalez-Valderrama, Guinjoan, Holla, Ibañez, Ivanovic, Jackowski, Leon-Ortiz, Lochner, López-Jaramillo, Luckhoff, Massuda, McGuire, Miyata, Mizrahi, Murray, Ozerdem, Pan, Parellada, Phahladira, Ramirez-Mahaluf, Reckziegel, Reis Marques, Reyes-Madrigal, Roos, Rosa, Salum, Scheffler, Schumann, Serpa, Stein, Tepper, Tiego, Ueno, Undurraga, Undurraga, Valdes-Sosa, Valli, Villarreal, Winton-Brown, Yalin, Zamorano, Zanetti, Winkler, Pine, Evans-Lacko and Crossley2023). There is a growing call to incorporate gender-related factors into research (Barr et al., Reference Barr, Popkin, Roodzant, Jaworski and Temkin2024), particularly in studies of young people during their developmental years.

A recognised challenge in the field is that methods to quantify the effects of gender inequality on health remain underdeveloped (Weber et al., Reference Weber, Cislaghi, Meausoone, Abdalla, Mejía-Guevara, Loftus, Hallgren, Seff, Stark and Victora2019). Arguably, the best-known metrics are country-level multi-dimensional indices that summarise the disadvantages faced by women across the world, such as the United Nation’s Gender Inequality Index (Gaye et al., Reference Gaye, Klugman, Kovacevic, Twigg and Zambrano2010). This country-level perspective has been valuable in Global Development research and has helped to examine associations between gender inequality and mental health problems (Yu, Reference Yu2018) or educational attainment (Guiso et al., Reference Guiso, Monte, Sapienza and Zingales2008) at the population level. Gender inequality can also be measured at smaller scales, allowing differences between communities within the same country to be explored (Ewerling et al., Reference Ewerling, Lynch, Victora, van Eerdewijk, Tyszler and Barros2017). Moreover, gender inequality could be measured at the family level, examining how gender norms and structures shape relationships between parents and their children (Brines, Reference Brines1994). Families have a significant impact on children’s social and emotional development (Grusec, Reference Grusec2011), providing resilience to environmental adversities such as poverty. A previous study found increased emotional and behavioural difficulties among children whose mothers reported perceived gender discrimination (Stepanikova et al., Reference Stepanikova, Acharya, Colón-López, Abdalla, Klanova and Darmstadt2022). To better understand the associations between gender inequality and child development, there is a need for new metrics beyond national or community-level characteristics that can be applied at the individual level.

In this study, we analysed educational outcomes, quality of life and mental health in adolescents from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort (Gonçalves et al., Reference Gonçalves, Wehrmeister, Assunção, Tovo-Rodrigues, De Oliveira, Murray, Anselmi, Barros, Victora and Menezes2018), according to the degree of gender inequality within the families in which participants were raised. The setting is nontrivial: Latin America has one of the highest rates of gender inequality in the world (Camou and Maubrigades, Reference Camou and Maubrigades2017). To measure gender inequality at the family level, we adapted the dimensions of the UN Gender Inequality Index (Gaye et al., Reference Gaye, Klugman, Kovacevic, Twigg and Zambrano2010) to the inter-spousal relationship (Homan, Reference Homan2019). Our metric was designed to shed light on how the structure of the relationship between parents that may have enduring consequences for the children. Specifically, the CGII was developed to mirror the country-level Gender Inequality Index from the United Nations, which captures gender-based disadvantage across three dimensions: reproductive health (perinatal care and adolescent pregnancy of the mother), empowerment (educational level of the mother compared to the father) and labour market participation (comparison of the individual earnings from both parents). Poor reproductive health, lower educational level and lower earnings for the mother compared with the father were considered indicators of reduced power and opportunity for women, reflecting greater gender inequality and resulting in a lower CGII value.

Considering the known impact of adverse environments on women, we hypothesised that girls (but not boys) growing up in gender-unequal families would present lower educational attainment and quality of life, and higher rates of depression.

Methods

Design

This study forms part of a population-based birth cohort. A STROBE checklist is provided in the Supplementary Information.

The Pelotas 1993 birth cohort (Victora et al., Reference Victora, Hallal, Araújo, Menezes, Wells and Barros2008) includes 5,265 births from women living in the city of Pelotas, Brazil . At cohort intake, 18.4% belonged to families receiving less than the minimum wage, 9.8% presented birth weight < 2,500 g, and 11.2% were born before 37 weeks (Gonçalves et al., Reference Gonçalves, Wehrmeister, Assunção, Tovo-Rodrigues, De Oliveira, Murray, Anselmi, Barros, Victora and Menezes2018). The cohort has been followed up at ages 11, 15, 18 and 22 years, with respective follow-up rates of 87.5%, 85.7%. 81.4% and 76.3% (Gonçalves et al., Reference Gonçalves, Wehrmeister, Assunção, Tovo-Rodrigues, De Oliveira, Murray, Anselmi, Barros, Victora and Menezes2018). We used information collected at birth, and at 15 and 18 years.

Metrics

Couple’s gender inequality index

We followed previous approaches examining disparities in power and resource allocation between men and women within marriages (Homan, Reference Homan2019), which may significantly affect the development of children through the inter-generational transmission of gender norms, resources and support. We adapted the multi-dimensional approach used in the creation of the UN Gender Inequality Index (Gaye et al., Reference Gaye, Klugman, Kovacevic, Twigg and Zambrano2010) to measure disparities within the parental relationship, using data available from the Pelotas 1993 Birth cohort as shown in Table 1.

Table 1. Dimension of the UN Gender Inequality Index and the proposed Couple’s Gender Inequality Index

Reproductive health is not directly anchored to a male-based outcome, unlike empowerment or labour market participation, and therefore may reflect factors affecting both genders, such as socioeconomic status (Permanyer, Reference Permanyer2013). However, female empowerment has been shown to influence reproductive health indicators in previous studies (Bagade et al., Reference Bagade, Chojenta, Harris, Oldmeadow and Loxton2022).

Each dimension was scored on a 0–1 scale, with 0 indicating maximum inequality and 1 indicating parity. In the case of reproductive health, which had two indicators, scores were averaged. The resulting CGII is a single indicator calculated as the mean of the three-dimension scores for each couple.

Specific scoring details were as follows:

  • - Number of perinatal visits: a value of 0 if the index birth was not preceded by any perinatal visits of the mother, and 1 if the number of visits was equal or above 8 (as recommended by the World Health Organization). The number of visits between 1 and 7 was proportionally given a value between 0 and 1.

  • - Age when mothers gave birth to their first child: first deliveries aged 20 or above were scored as 1. Deliveries at 14 years or less (early adolescent pregnancies per World Health Organization definition) as 0, and ages 15–19 were proportionally assigned values between 0 and 1.

  • - Ratio of maternal to paternal education: the ratio was capped at 1 when mothers had more years of education than the father. A supplementary analysis explored the cases when paternal education was lower than maternal.

  • - Ratio of maternal to paternal income: based on the average of data collected at birth and 15 years. Averaging was used because pregnancy may temporarily lead women to leave the labour market. At birth, income contribution was categorised as follows: father sole breadwinner (0), both parents contributing (0.5), or mother as main breadwinner (1). At 15 years, absolute income for each parent was used, and ratios were capped at 1 when the mother earned more than the father.

We capped the ratio of maternal to paternal education or income at 1 when the mother had more education or income than the father. This approach aligns with the UN Gender Inequality that it mirrors, where the focus is on contexts in which systemic disadvantage overwhelmingly affects women, rather than on comparing female and male advantages or disadvantages. We also report exploratory analyses of an index focusing on the father’s disadvantage relative to the mother, particularly in the education dimension, where fathers were most disadvantaged, and its association with developmental outcomes. In this case, the education index represents the ratio between the father’s and mother’s, capped at 1 if the father has equal or higher education than the mother.

Cronbach’s alpha was used to explore the internal consistency of the index. Associations for each individual dimension are presented in the Supplementary Information.

Outcomes

We examined the associations between gender inequality and several developmental outcomes from childhood to young adulthood. First, we included a measure of educational attainment at 18 years, specifically the number of completed years in education obtained from self-report from the adolescent. Education has a significant impact on people’s future, including their health and lifetime earnings. In Brazil, education is compulsory from ages 6 to 14 (9 years), followed by 3 years of non-compulsory upper secondary education (ages 15 to 17). Second, we examined quality of life at 18 years, assessed using the overall score of the WHO Quality of Life-brief (QoL) (Fleck et al., Reference Fleck, Louzada, Xavier, Chachamovich, Vieira, Santos and Pinzon2000), with higher scores indicating better quality of life. Finally, we looked at the emergence of mental health problems, particularly depression symptoms, at two points. The focus on depression is based on previous evidence suggesting a modulatory role of gender norms (Seedat et al., Reference Seedat, Scott, Angermeyer, Berglund, Bromet, Brugha, Demyttenaere, De Girolamo, Haro, Jin, Karam, Kovess-Masfety, Levinson, Medina Mora, Ono, Ormel, Pennell, Posada-Villa, Sampson, Williams and Kessler2009; Koenig et al., Reference Koenig, Blum, Shervington, Green, Li, Tabana and Moreau2021). At 15 years, emotional symptoms were assessed using the emotion subscale of the Brazilian version of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) (Fleitlich-Bilyk and Goodman, Reference Fleitlich-Bilyk and Goodman2004), using the responses from the main caregiver as in a previous report from this cohort (Anselmi et al., Reference Anselmi, Menezes, Hallal, Wehrmeister, Gonçalves, Barros, Murray and Rohde2012). The emotion subscale has been related to the risk of depression (Armitage et al., Reference Armitage, Tseliou, Riglin, Dennison, Eyre, Jones, Rice, Thapar, Thapar and Collishaw2023), providing an early indicator of emerging emotional problems. At age 18, we looked at the association with a diagnosis of depression at that age (binary outcome) using the Mini International Neuropsychiatric Interview (MINI).

Other confounders

We also included several confounders in our fully adjusted model:

  • total family income at birth (parental or other sources).

  • one or more parents describing themselves as “non-white” at birth.

  • gestational age (in weeks) and birth weight.

  • living with both parents at 18 years old.

Participants were included if data were available to calculate the CGII. Characteristics of excluded participants (both with incomplete data or lost to follow-up) are reported in the Supplementary Information.

Statistical analyses

We used generalised linear models to examine the associations between the CGII and educational attainment, quality of life and mental health at 15 and 18 years. To offer a nuanced interpretation of the Couple’s Gender Inequality’s association without forcing a strict linear or multiplicative relationship, we examined models according to bins of quartiles of the CGII. We applied regression models appropriate to each outcome’s distribution. For count outcomes like years of education and SDQ emotional symptoms score, we used the Poisson regression model with a log link to estimate relative differences (rate ratios) in years of education across quartiles of gender inequality. The coefficients were exponentiated to express multiplicative effects. For the binary depression outcome, we used logistic regression with a logit link for binary outcomes, with exponentiated coefficients corresponding to odds ratios. For quality of life (approximately continuous), linear regression was used. The general form of the models used was the following:

$$ {y}_i={\alpha}_i+{\beta}_1{CGII}_i+{\beta}_2{Sex}_i+{\beta}_3\left({CGII}_i\times {Sex}_i\right)+{\epsilon}_i $$

With a fully adjusted model adding the following confounders: family income at birth, one or more parents describing themselves as non-white, gestational age and birth weight, and whether they were living with both parents at age 18. Stepwise models showing the individual and incremental weight of these confounders are included in the Supplementary Information.

Considering the importance of socioeconomic factors in vulnerable populations and the importance of considering interacting vulnerabilities during development, we examined interactions between CGII and family income.

Results

Characteristics of the sample

A total of 2,852 participants (1,446 female) born in 1993 had data that allowed us to construct a CGII from the assessments performed and were included in the analyses. They represented 54% of the population born in 1993 in Pelotas, and 69.5% of those successfully followed up at age 18. Participants not included were from families with lower incomes, their mothers had fewer years of education, received worse perinatal care and were more likely to have been adolescents (Supplementary Table S1).

Table 2 describes the characteristics of the parents of participants used to construct the Couple’s Gender Inequality. Slightly more than half of mothers of those included had good perinatal care (≥8 perinatal visits), while the remainder had less than the recommended number, with 7.6% receiving poor according to World Health Organization criteria. Almost one third of mothers gave birth to their first child during adolescence, and 1% had a very young pregnancy (14 years old or less). In terms of education, 62.9% of the couples had equal level of education or mothers with more years of education than fathers. In contrast, only 4.9% had equal levels of income or mothers earning more than fathers. The distribution of the CGII and its different dimensions is shown in Figure 1. Cronbach’s alpha was low (α = 0.24), suggesting that the components captured distinct dimensions of inequality rather than a single underlying construct. Associations between each dimension and the outcomes, analysed independently, are presented later in the “Results” section.

Table 2. Characteristics of the parents used to build the proposed Couple’s Gender Inequality Index

Figure 1. Distribution of Couple’s gender Inequality Index and its dimensions.

Associations with educational attainment

The mean number of years of education was 8.9, with 4.9% of the sample attaining a maximum of 12 years, and 3.7% of 4 years or less. The CGII was positively associated with an increased number of attained years (Figure 2A, Supplementary Table S2). Compared with children from families in the lowest quartile of the CGII (most unequal), those in the second quartile had higher levels by an 10.2% [4.3, 16.4%], 14.6% [8.6, 20.9%] in the third quartile, and 23.3% [16.9, 30.1%] in the highest quartile in the unadjusted model. Corresponding estimates in the fully adjusted model were 8.5% [2.7, 14.7%], 12.8% [6.8, 19.2%] and 20.4% [14.0, 27.2%]. There were no significant interactions between the CGII and sex in the unadjusted model, but a significant interaction emerged in the fully adjusted model between the highest CGII quartile and sex (P = 0.04), showing a negative interaction for girls (i.e. smaller increases in education with higher equality; see Supplementary Table S2). Considering that 12 was the maximum number of years attainable at that age, this negative interaction likely reflected a ceiling effect among girls, who already had higher educational levels than boys (Supplementary Figure S1A).

Figure 2. Associations between the Couple’s Gender Inequality Index and Education (A), quality of life (B), risk to depression at age 18 (C) and SDQ emotional scores at age 15. Values are shown per quartile of Couple’s gender Inequality without correction for other confounders (sex, family income, gestational age, birth weight or non-white parent).

We also found a significant negative interaction between family income and the CGII index on educational attainment when comparing the most equal quartile and least equal, both in the unadjusted (P = 0.005) and fully adjusted models (P = 0.028). In other words, increases in education associated with high CGII (greater equality) were more pronounced in lower-income families. Similar to the sex interaction with CGII, this result may also partly reflect a ceiling effect (Supplementary Figure S1B).

Associations with quality of life

Quality of life was also associated with CGII. Children from more balanced couples in the second and fourth quartile reported a better quality of life than those in the lowest quartile, both in the unadjusted model (7.9 points [2.4, 13.4] in the second and 8.9 [3.5, 14.4] in the fourth) and in the fully adjusted model (6.7 points [1.4, 12.2] in the second and 6.6 [1.1, 12.1] in the fourth) (Figure 2B, Supplementary Table S3). We did not observe significant interactions between the CGII and sex or between the CGII and family income.

Associations with mental health

At age 18, 5.9% of participants fulfilled criteria for a depressive disorder according to the MINI. There was a significant negative association between the CGII and the odds of depression (Figure 2C). This was significant in the unadjusted model for the second quartile (40.7% [15.6, 94.9%] of the odds of the first quartile) and those in the highest CGII quartile (34.9% [12.5, 84.5%]), but not in the fully adjusted model (44.6% [17.4, 106.4%] for the second quartile, and 43.4% [15.4, 107.0%] for the highest quartile) (Supplementary Table S4). We found no statistically significant interactions between CGII and sex or family income.

At age 15, Emotional SDQ scores were lower in children from families with higher CGII (Figure 2D), although this was not statistically significant in either the unadjusted or fully adjusted model. There was a significant negative interaction between CGII and sex in the second quartile both in the unadjusted (P = 0.0002) and fully adjusted models (P = 0.001) (Supplementary Table S5). As shown in Figure 3A, girls in the second quartile (but not boys) had lower emotional SDQ scores than those from the lowest CGII quartile. The relationship between CGII and income was more complex (Figure 3B), with children in the top income quartile benefiting from increased equality in the couple. When examining different quartiles to the first quartile, there was a significant negative interaction between income and CGII in the second quartile compared to the first, where this relationship was stronger.

Figure 3. Unadjusted SDQ Emotional scores and their association with Couple’s Gender Inequality according to (A) sex and (B) family Income.

Further analyses of index components

We report further analyses looking at all the associations between outcomes and specific domains of the Couple’s Gender Inequality in the Supplementary Figure 2. Associations with individual domains show overall concordance with the combined index, indicating that all domains contribute to the associations observed with the composite measure.

There were no clear associations related to families in which the father was at an educational disadvantage compared to the mother, as shown in Supplementary Figure 3.

Discussion

Gender may have a strong effect on children’s development, but its examination has been limited by the lack of appropriate metrics. We present an analysis of the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil, using an adaptation of the widely used UN Gender Inequality Index applied here to the parental relationship of the child. Our most consistent finding was that a higher CGII, indicating a more gender-equal family, was significantly associated with better educational outcomes in both girls and boys. We also found that a higher CGII was associated with better quality of life and lower risks of depression at 18 years in boys and girls, although these associations were significant only for specific quartiles. Our hypothesis that gender inequality within families would benefit girls more than boys was partly supported by a significant interaction observed in SDQ Emotional scores at 18 years of age.

Views about how gendered systems work have evolved over recent decades. While early feminist theories considered patriarchal systems as primarily disadvantaging women for the benefit of men, newer approaches suggest that they may negatively affect both women and men (Homan, Reference Homan2019). Several studies have reported that conformity to rigid masculine norms is associated with worse mental health, possibly by inhibiting help seeking and reinforcing maladaptive coping styles, including alcohol use (Seidler et al., Reference Seidler, Dawes, Rice, Oliffe and Dhillon2016; Silva et al., Reference Silva, Christino, Moura and de Morais2019). Our initial hypothesis predicted a significant interaction between gender and the CGII, whereby girls would benefit more than boys from being raised by more egalitarian couples. Instead, our results showed that higher CGII were associated with better outcomes in both boys and girls. These findings are consistent with previous evidence suggesting that rigid gender norms are detrimental to both boys and girls (Baird et al., Reference Baird, Bhutta, Hamad, Hicks, Jones and Muz2019; Koenig et al., Reference Koenig, Blum, Shervington, Green, Li, Tabana and Moreau2021). The association with academic performance was particularly clear and aligns with findings from China (Chen et al., Reference Chen, Li, King, Du, Wu and Chi2022; Zhang et al., Reference Zhang, Chao, Gao, Wang, Yuan, Chen and Xin2024).

There was a significant association between higher CGII and lower risk of depression at age 18. However, this was not significant at age 15 considering the scores of the emotional subset of the SDQ obtained from the main caregiver report, although the direction of the association was similar. At that age, our data suggested that girls in particular were more affected. Previous studies have indicated that rigid gender norms or gender inequality are associated with higher risk of depression in both genders, particularly during adolescence or young adults (Ali et al., Reference Ali, Karmaliani, Mcfarlane, Khuwaja, Somani, Chirwa and Jewkes2017; Koenig et al., Reference Koenig, Blum, Shervington, Green, Li, Tabana and Moreau2021). Conversely, population-level studies comparing rates between genders have suggested a greater detrimental effect on women than on men (Seedat et al., Reference Seedat, Scott, Angermeyer, Berglund, Bromet, Brugha, Demyttenaere, De Girolamo, Haro, Jin, Karam, Kovess-Masfety, Levinson, Medina Mora, Ono, Ormel, Pennell, Posada-Villa, Sampson, Williams and Kessler2009; Yu, Reference Yu2018). One possibility is that there is a critical period effect. Some studies suggest that girls might be more affected during the transition to adolescence, when they face a higher number of psychosocial challenges than boys (Petersen et al., Reference Petersen, Sarigiani and Kennedy1991). Our results showing this interaction at 15 partially supports this idea. Other work suggests that the cumulative lifetime disadvantages that women experience become more apparent in mental health at later ages (Bracke et al., Reference Bracke, Delaruelle, Dereuddre and Van de Velde2020).

Overall, the CGII provided information on developmental variation that could not be explained by socioeconomic or racial factors. Although based on static characteristics that are not readily modifiable, it may help identify high-risk children and their parents for whom interventions targeting gender norms might be warranted (Heise et al., Reference Heise, Greene, Opper, Stavropoulou, Harper, Nascimento, Zewdie, Darmstadt, Greene, Hawkes, Henry, Heymann, Klugman, Levine, Raj and Rao Gupta2019). Our findings of a significant interaction between the CGII and family income, where associations with good educational outcomes were stronger in families with low income, point to potential avenues for intervention in vulnerable groups. One could question its usefulness compared with direct measures of parents’ gender attitudes, if such data were available. However, we would argue that these would provide complementary insights. As discussed in relation to race as a sociostructural factor (Gee and Ford, Reference Gee and Ford2011), individuals’ recognition of disadvantage related to race or gender does not necessarily capture the full extent of the structural barriers they face. Furthermore, self-report may be biased by perceived social desirability.

There are several limitations to our study be acknowledged. First, although we report data from a large population-based cohort with substantial efforts to minimise attrition (Gonçalves et al., Reference Gonçalves, Wehrmeister, Assunção, Tovo-Rodrigues, De Oliveira, Murray, Anselmi, Barros, Victora and Menezes2018), complete data to calculate the index were available for 54% of those born in Pelotas 1993. Participants not included were more likely to come from vulnerable groups with higher rates of adolescent pregnancies, worse perinatal care, lower maternal education and lower family incomes. The Cronbach’s alpha of the CGII was low, indicating that the index was not unidimensional or homogeneous. This was expected to some extent, as the design followed that of the UN Gender Inequality Index, a composite measure combining different dimensions that are not necessarily correlated (Permanyer, Reference Permanyer2013), and that captures a multidimensional state of disadvantage. Countries have shown that equity can be achieved first in some domains before others, and specific interventions may target particular dimensions (Gaye et al., Reference Gaye, Klugman, Kovacevic, Twigg and Zambrano2010). As with the country-level UN Gender Inequality Index, there are advantages to having a single summary measure of gender-based adversities faced by children, particularly for decision-making purposes. Our sample presented a relatively low rate of depression at age 18 (6%) compared with other studies in Brazil (Hintz et al., Reference Hintz, Gomes-Filho, Loomer, de Sousa Pinho, de Santana Passos-Soares, Trindade, de Cerqueira, Alves, Rios, Batista, Figueiredo and da Cruz2023), which reduced the power of our analysis, particularly for detecting interactions. Studies focusing on high-risk populations may be better powered to detect such effects. The prospectively ascertained data from birth allowed us to include perinatal variables such as gestational age or number of perinatal visits with high levels of confidence. One could argue that our analytical choice of binning data into CGII quartiles may lose information and impose arbitrary thresholds. However, this should be balanced against alternatives that force specific data distributions or introduce non-linear terms that are harder to interpret, especially when examining interactions. Finally, we note that our results describe associations and do not necessarily imply causation. We also adjusted for several confounders such as baseline income, race or parental cohabitation, but residual confounding (such as parental mental health) may still explain some associations.

In summary, we demonstrate that the CGII, a metric applied at the family level, shows significant associations with key developmental outcomes. Children from more egalitarian families, as indicated by this index, are more likely to spend longer in education, report a better quality of life and show a lower risk of depression in early adulthood. This index may therefore be a valuable tool for exploring the impact of gender inequality on child development at the individual level.

Open peer review

To view the open peer review materials for this article, please visit http://doi.org/10.1017/gmh.2026.10139.

Supplementary material

The supplementary material for this article can be found at http://doi.org/10.1017/gmh.2026.10139.

Data availability statement

Data used are not openly available due to confidentiality of information warranted by the written informed consent. New projects or analyses can be discussed with the Federal University of Pelotas team.

Author contribution

NAC led the conceptualization, analysis and writing of the manuscript; CSG contributed to the study concept and design; LC assisted with the analysis; ABM and FW provided and curated the data; and all authors reviewed and approved the final version of the manuscript.

Financial support

Wellcome supported the 1993 Birth Cohort Study between 2004 and 2013 through grants 72403MA and 086974/Z/08/Z. Previous phases of the study were funded by the European Union, the Brazilian National Support Program for Centers of Excellence (PRONEX), the Brazilian National Research Council (CNPq) and the Brazilian Ministry of Health. NAC is supported by Centro de Interés Nacional IINARA, CIN250068, Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo ANID Chile.

Competing interests

The authors report no conflict of interest related to this work.

Ethics statement

The Pelotas 1993 Birth Cohort study was approved by the Research Ethics Board of the Medical School of Federal University of Pelotas (protocols 029/2003, 158/2007, 05/2011). Informed consent was obtained from the cohort participants or by their parents when individuals were younger than 18 years.

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Figure 0

Table 1. Dimension of the UN Gender Inequality Index and the proposed Couple’s Gender Inequality Index

Figure 1

Table 2. Characteristics of the parents used to build the proposed Couple’s Gender Inequality Index

Figure 2

Figure 1. Distribution of Couple’s gender Inequality Index and its dimensions.

Figure 3

Figure 2. Associations between the Couple’s Gender Inequality Index and Education (A), quality of life (B), risk to depression at age 18 (C) and SDQ emotional scores at age 15. Values are shown per quartile of Couple’s gender Inequality without correction for other confounders (sex, family income, gestational age, birth weight or non-white parent).

Figure 4

Figure 3. Unadjusted SDQ Emotional scores and their association with Couple’s Gender Inequality according to (A) sex and (B) family Income.

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Author comment: Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil — R0/PR1

Comments

Prof. Judy Bass

Prof. Dixon Chibanda

Co-Editors-in-Chief

Cambridge Prisms: Global Mental Health

Dear Profs. Bass and Chibanda,

We would like to submit the manuscript entitled “Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life, and mental health: an analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil” for your consideration for publication as a Research Article in Cambridge Prisms: Global Mental Health.

Gender inequality poses a significant challenge across the world, with profound implications for child development. However, there is a lack of individual-level metrics to assess risk exposure, restricting insights into its association with important outcomes to communities or countries. To address this gap, we developed an index analogous to the widely used United Nations Gender Inequality Index, but based on structural characteristics of the parental couple that signal an egalitarian relationship. This approach allowed us to examine the association between gender inequality within families and the subsequent development of the children.

Our study used data from a birth cohort in Pelotas, southern Brazil, benefiting from a solid design in a context such as Latin America, a region struggling with significant gender disparities.

We found that children from couples with a higher index of equality were more likely to attain more years of formal study, report better quality of life at 18 years old, and were less likely to present a depressive episode at 18 compared to those from the most unequal families.

Contrary to our initial hypothesis that girls would benefit more than boys from an egalitarian relationship in their parents, these effects were seen in both genders. These results align with contemporary feminist theory, which emphasizes the broad benefits of gender equality for both girls and boys.

Our study provides novel insights into an area of urgent global need, paving the way for future research on the effects of gender inequality on the development of children. Due to the scope and importance of our findings, we believe it will be of interest for the international and diverse readership of the Cambridge Prisms: Global Mental Health.

We look forward to hearing from you in due course.

Nicolás Crossley

on behalf of all authors

Review: Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil — R0/PR2

Conflict of interest statement

Reviewer declares none.

Comments

This manuscript provides a novel and policy-relevant analysis of how couple-level gender inequality associates with adolescents’ developmental and mental health outcomes, leveraging data from Brazil’s long-standing Pelotas 1993 birth cohort. The findings suggest that higher gender equality within couples is positively associated with children’s educational attainment and quality of life, and possibly protective against depression, regardless of gender.

Overall, I find the paper interesting and innovative. However, I am concerned with several methodological issues.

My first concern is the inclusion of reproductive-health indicators in the CGII. While such items belong in population-level measures like the UN Gender Inequality Index, they are problematic at the couple level. Indicators such as teen childbirth and inadequate prenatal care may signal health risk and socioeconomic disadvantages instead of gender inequality. Because teen births and limited prenatal care are strongly associated with low birth weight, pre-term delivery, and later developmental problems, their inclusion could conflate household gender dynamics with maternal health or family SES. The authors could either (1) provide a clear theoretical rationale for treating maternal age at first birth and antenatal-visit adequacy as indicators of intra-couple bargaining power or (2) remove these items and report whether the main results hold. They can also analyze the reproductive and socioeconomic components separately to show which domain drives the associations.

Second, for the CGII itself, please report Cronbach’s alpha to demonstrate its internal consistency and support the index’s validity

Third, though the authors admit potential selection bias at the end, nearly 50 % of the cohort is missing CGII data, which is not trivial. The authors could consider comparing participants with complete CGII measures to those without using key SES and demographic variables, and/or apply inverse-probability weighting or similar techniques to test the robustness of their findings to potential selection bias.

Next, several questions arise about the modelling choices. Dividing the CGII into quartiles discards information and imposes arbitrary thresholds, the authors could consider capturing the non-linear effects directly by including an interaction term (squared CGII). Next, the decision to cap the mother-to-father ratios at 1.0 may obscure households in which women hold greater power, a potentially informative contrast for the research question. Lastly, key child-level confounders are missing. Low birthweight, for example, predicts later developmental outcomes and could influence couple-level inequality through reduced maternal earnings. If such variables are available, they should be included. If not, their absence needs to be acknowledged explicitly in the limitations.

Last, a minor point, the manuscript labels sequentially adjusted models “hierarchical.” Because “hierarchical models” usually denotes multilevel (mixed effects) techniques, this wording could mislead. Replace with other terms such as “stepwise” to avoid confusion.

Review: Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil — R0/PR3

Conflict of interest statement

Reviewer declares none.

Comments

Referee report for “Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life, and mental health: an analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil.

Summary

This study examined whether greater gender equality between parents is linked to improved outcomes for their children using data from the 1993 Pelotas Birth Cohort in Brazil. A novel Couple’s Gender Inequality Index (CGII), based on maternal vs. paternal differences in health, education, and income, was created to measure intra-household gender dynamics. Findings showed that children from more gender-equal families had significantly more years of education and better quality of life by age 18. While higher gender equality was also associated with lower risk of depression and emotional problems, these mental health associations were weaker after adjusting for confounders. Importantly, both boys and girls appeared to benefit from greater parental gender equality, especially in low-income families.

Overall View

This paper addresses an important and underexplored topic, how gender equality within the parental couple influences children’s long-term education, well-being, and mental health. By adapting the UN’s Gender Inequality Index to the family level and applying it to a large, longitudinal birth cohort in Brazil, the study makes a novel and meaningful contribution to global mental health and development research. The findings are broadly relevant for policy and interventions aiming to reduce intergenerational disadvantage, especially in low- and middle-income countries. However, before publication, the manuscript requires revisions to improve clarity, reporting transparency (especially around the CGII construction and statistical models), and consistency in interpreting results. The observed associations are compelling, but care is needed in how causal language is used, how interactions are presented, and how limitations are discussed.

Comments

Introduction

1. The introduction would flow better beginning with broader gender inequality concerns and then narrowing down to the gap your study fills.

2. Early on, make it clear that a higher CGII score indicates greater gender equality as this will help readers interpret the findings more easily later.

3. Phrases like “We here analysed…” should be improved. Use more standard academic phrasing such as “In this study, we analysed…”.

4. To help emphasize the contribution your study is making, highlight the originality of your family-level adaptation of the Gender Inequality Index.

Methods

5. The CGII construction is central to your study, so offering a bit more detail on how the components were scored and combined would make this clearer to readers trying to replicate or understand your work. While the text and Table 1 outline the components, a more explicit description in prose would be helpful. You should clearly state how the three dimensions were combined into a single index value. For example, did you create normalized sub-scores for each and then average them? Or did you use an approach analogous to the UN GII formula? Currently, you note: “Worse reproductive health and lower educational level and earnings from the mother compared to the father were considered to signal a more gender unequal relationship.” This explains the direction of each component but not the aggregation. Consider adding a sentence such as: “Each dimension was scored on a 0–1 scale (with 0 indicating maximum inequality and 1 indicating parity), and the CGII was calculated as the average of the three dimension scores for each couple.” (Please adjust this description to the actual method you used. If it was a sum or another formula, describe that accordingly.)

6. It would be useful to explicitly mention how participants were included, why some were excluded and how you handled cases where parent data was incomplete (e.g., non-cohabiting parents or missing income data). For instance, if a father’s income was missing, was that family excluded or was income imputed? It’s important to clarify, since non-cohabiting fathers or missing paternal info likely contributed to the reduced sample. You do include “living with both parents” as a confounder, implying some single-parent families might be included; clarify whether CGII was only defined for cohabiting couples or if data on non-resident fathers were used. This transparency will help readers trust more the CGII measure.

7. You mention your four outcomes, but readers may appreciate a few more details, like who completed the SDQ, the scoring range for QoL, or whether education was self-reported. In particular, for each outcome:

a) Educational Attainment: State how this was measured (e.g., “number of years of formal education completed by age 18 (self-reported at the 18-year visit)”. Indicate the range if known (e.g., 0–? years, and whether 12 years corresponds to high school completion in Brazil). This gives context that 8.9 years on average means many did not finish secondary school by 18, an important detail possibly worth noting in Discussion.

b) Quality of Life: You mention using the WHO Quality of Life instrument. Specify which version and whether you used an overall score or a particular domain. If it’s a domain or a transformed score, clarify that as well. Also, confirm that higher scores mean better QoL.

c) Depression at 18: You note a diagnosis via the Mini International Neuropsychiatric Interview (MINI). Clarify that this outcome is binary (depressed vs. not) at that age.

d) Emotional/Mental Health at 15: It appears you used the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) emotional problems subscale. Clarify this as: “emotional symptoms at age 15, measured by the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) emotional subscale”. Indicate the reporter (was it adolescent self-report at 15 or mother report?) and the score range. You might also mention why this age 15 measure was included (presumably to capture emerging emotional problems in mid-adolescence before the diagnostic assessment at 18). If the SDQ emotional score was treated as continuous, note that, or if you dichotomised “elevated symptoms” etc., specify the cut-off.

8. Clarifying a bit more the choice of models and how you interpreted the coefficients, would strengthen the Methods section. For instance: “We applied regression models appropriate to each outcome’s distribution. For count outcomes (e.g., years of education and SDQ emotional symptoms score), we used Poisson regression with robust standard errors to estimate relative differences (interpreted as percentage differences). For the binary depression outcome, we used logistic regression to estimate odds ratios (OR). For quality of life (approximately continuous), linear regression was used.” Ensure the text reflects exactly what was done. If you in fact used Poisson for the binary outcome to obtain risk ratios (a valid approach), state that instead (e.g., “Poisson regression was also used for the binary depression outcome to estimate relative risk, given the outcome frequency”). This level of detail is important for readers to understand how to interpret the reported “20.7% more years” (clearly a Poisson relative count result) versus an “X% of the odds” for depression (a logistic OR result).

Results

9. Your description of the sample is helpful, but readers might benefit from seeing the key characteristics in a table or in slightly more structured form in the text. For example, a table could show the distribution of maternal perinatal care, adolescent pregnancy, education levels, and income in the sample, possibly stratified by CGII quartile if relevant. Since you mention Figure 1 displays the distribution of CGII and its components, the reader gets a visual, but a table would provide precise numbers. If journal space is a concern, think about which format (text vs table) most clearly conveys this information. At minimum, ensure the text is complete: currently, you give percentages for extreme categories of perinatal visits (>=8 and <4) but not the middle category, consider mentioning the remainder (around ~35.8% had 4–7 visits, presumably). Similarly, you state 62.9% of parents had equal or greater maternal education than paternal, implying 37.1% of mothers had less education than fathers, that’s an important baseline showing inequality in education. You might state it explicitly for emphasis. And only 4.9% of mothers earned as much or more than fathers, meaning 95.1% of fathers were the primary earners, a striking figure to highlight. These details set the stage for why CGII variation exists.

10. You note the 2,852 analysed were 69.5% of those followed at 18, implying some attrition bias. It might be worth stating whether those included had any notable differences from those not included (for instance, were included families slightly higher socio-economic status or more likely to be intact? You might have checked this). If you have that info, a sentence could be added, e.g., “Compared to the full cohort, the subset with complete data had slightly higher family income and education, suggesting our analytic sample may be somewhat socioeconomically advantaged; thus results should be interpreted accordingly.” This can also be noted in Discussion limitations if not here. It’s also worth summarizing better the CGII components to give readers a sense of what inequality looked like in the cohort, like how common it was for mothers to earn less or be adolescent mothers.

11. Where you report interactions (e.g., between CGII and sex), an explanation not just that an interaction exists, but what it means (did one group benefit more? If so, how?) would benefit the section.

12. Adding a specific example for the QoL and depression outcomes, like a percentage or odds ratio, would help readers understand better the magnitude of associations.

13. The interaction with income is really interesting, but the explanation could be a bit clearer. Perhaps rephrase to show that low-income families seemed to gain more from equality.

Discussion

14. Acknowledge that your design is observational. It’s good that you avoid strong causal language generally, but terms like “impact” and “effect” were used in a causal sense in a few places (abstract conclusion, discussion opening). In the discussion, you should explicitly note that association does not prove causation. For example: “Although we refer to ‘effects’, these results are associative. It is possible that unmeasured factors contribute to both more egalitarian parent relationships and better child outcomes. For instance, parents with higher mutual respect might also possess other positive parenting qualities or socio-economic advantages that benefit children.” You did adjust for several confounders to mitigate this, which you can state: “We adjusted for baseline income, parental cohabitation, and other factors to approximate causal effects, but residual confounding (e.g., parental mental health or personality traits) could still explain some associations.”

15. It’s good that you had a specific hypothesis about girls benefiting more. Just make sure you clearly describe how your results did or didn’t support that expectation.

16. Consider suggesting why greater gender equality might be beneficial. What mechanisms might explain the associations?

17. The fact that low-income families seemed to benefit more is a compelling finding. You might want to highlight this implication for targeting interventions.

18. When listing your limitations, be sure to discuss potential biases from attrition and the fact that some elements of your index are static or not directly modifiable.

19. A closing paragraph that summarizes what your findings add to the field and what could be done next would really round out the discussion nicely.

Additional general comments

20. Go through the manuscript for minor writing style improvements. Avoid words like “firstly” and stick to past tense when describing your findings.

21. Also double-check small grammatical details. Phrases like “on the highest quartile” should be “in the highest quartile” to read more smoothly, and verify consistency: e.g., in one part you refer to “indices” available for 54%. It should likely be singular “index.”

22. In the abstract, where you state “The Couple’s Gender Inequality Index (CGII) was derived from maternal health, education, and income,” consider whether “maternal” should be replaced with “parental,” since the index appears to reflect characteristics of both members of the couple.

Recommendation: Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil — R0/PR4

Comments

Please address all the revisions suggested by the reviewers.

Decision: Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil — R0/PR5

Comments

No accompanying comment.

Author comment: Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil — R1/PR6

Comments

No accompanying comment.

Review: Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil — R1/PR7

Conflict of interest statement

Reviewer declares none.

Comments

Overall, the authors have responded thoughtfully to most of my comments. While I remain somewhat unconvinced by the explanation for not modeling non-linear effects of CGII using squared terms and interactions with gender, I recognize the authors’ rationale and note that concerns about interpretation are understandable. Non-linear interaction effects are common in the literature and can often be communicated clearly using tools such as marginal effects and predicted-value plots, and discretizing a continuous variable also entails functional-form assumptions, including stepwise effects. That said, I respect the authors’ modeling choice and appreciate their transparent discussion of this issue in the limitations section.

Recommendation: Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil — R1/PR8

Comments

Thank you for addressing all reviewer suggestions thoroughly.

Decision: Parental gender inequality and their children’s educational attainment, quality of life and mental health: An analysis from the Pelotas 1993 birth cohort in Brazil — R1/PR9

Comments

No accompanying comment.