In Ghana, the institution of chieftaincy, a traditional political governance system, is saddled with a number of conflicts which have far-reaching implications for food security in affected communities. This study examined how the infamous Bimbilla chieftaincy conflicts in the Northern Region of Ghana undermined the food security situation in the context of hunger, famine and sudden rise in food prices. A total of 383 respondents were randomly and purposely selected in a convergent mixed-methods study design. Questionnaires, interviews and focus group discussions were the main primary data collection methods. The study revealed that the chieftaincy conflicts significantly impacted hunger (β = –0.152, t = –2.807, p = 0.005) and famine (β = 0.188, t = 3.443, p = 0.001). A sudden increase in food prices (β = 0.006, t = 0.113, p = 0.910) stood as the only food security factor which was not affected substantially by the chieftaincy conflicts.

In Ghana, the economic costs of violent conflicts (loss of jobs and revenue, drop in gross domestic product, and disruption of production chain) have been well documented. However, there is little scholarly work on such conflicts’ human security costs, a critical element in contemporary security management arrangements. This study examines the costs of violent conflicts from a human security perspective using the farmer–herder conflict in the Agogo community in the Ashanti region of Ghana as a case study. A total of 400 participants were randomly and purposely selected. A χ2 test was employed to determine the association of rape, armed robbery, arson and murder with the farmer–herder conflict. The study found that at a 5% margin of error, the p value for armed robbery was 0.01, rape was 0.01, arson was 0.03 and murder was 0.00, indicating a close association between these variables and the conflict.

China's view on the sanctity of state sovereignty has slowly but inexorably been transformed, and the country has found it difficult to continue to adhere to the principles of non-interference and non-intervention with the same degree of rigour as during the Cold War era. This special section will explore what the principles mean to China today; why and how Beijing has become active in peacebuilding and conflict mediation; and what implication China's approach to the principles has for its position in the global liberal order. This article sets the scene by firstly demonstrating that defining the principles has always been a political act, and secondly offering new discussions about how China's expanding economic power forced the country to more actively engage in politics of conflict-affected regions. Finally, it offers a conceptual framework to explain why and how China has become increasingly active in peacebuilding and conflict mediation.