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Edited by
Filipe Calvão, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva,Matthieu Bolay, University of Applied Sciences and Arts Western Switzerland,Elizabeth Ferry, Brandeis University, Massachusetts
Building upon the ambiguous status of gold as both a monetary asset and a commodity, this chapter interrogates the plural veridictions that support industry claims to responsible business conduct. Through a chronicle of the political and legal struggles surrounding the “true” provenance of gold imported to Switzerland, it suggests that responsibility claims rely on a regime of discrete transparency. Transparency practices in the gold trade are both discreet in their efforts to preserve the secrecy of business operations, and discrete in the legal processes through which they separate normative orders to establish different veridictions on the “true” provenance and ownership of gold. Rather than opposing notions of transparency and secrecy, these veridictions seek to assemble the values associated with both terms. Challenging these veridictions supposes a disentanglement of gold from its status either as money or as commodity, and a shift from an ontology of individuals-as-consumers to one of individuals-as-citizens. A third veridiction emerges once imported gold is considered part of a stream of information owned by the sovereign rather than in terms of its relation to a consumer.
Using individual data on Swiss federal ballots (VOX data) and an original dataset on the evolution and content of political campaigns, this article elucidates how negative campaigning influences individual turnout during Swiss federal ballots. It hypothesises that the effect of negativism on turnout depends on ‘which camp goes dirty’ and, specifically, on the direction of the political campaign (‘status quo’ versus ‘policy change’ campaigns). A series of multilevel models provide strong support for the hypotheses, by showing that high negativism in ‘status quo campaigns’ decreases individual turnout, whereas high negativism for ‘policy change campaigns’ increases it. It is argued here that this could depend on the emotional responses triggered by negativism in political campaigns.
The COVID-19 pandemic has had devastating effects across the world, yet different countries have had varying degrees of success in their attempts to manage it. One of the reasons behind the different outcomes observed so far lies in the strengths and weaknesses of different governance arrangements leveraged to tackle the crisis. In this article we examine what we can learn about the operational capacity of different democracies through their early responses to the crisis. We provide a framework of four positive qualities of multilevel governance that might lead to greater chances of positive practical outcomes and present an illustrative case study of the experiences of Switzerland and the United Kingdom (UK). We conclude with some areas for further research and investigation.
Modernization theory posits a change from traditional or “collective” forms to modern or “reflective” forms of volunteering. In a research project using a combined qualitative-quantitative approach, the motivation of 118 young Swiss adults who showed an interest in international volunteering was investigated. Qualitative analysis revealed 12 different motives which could be categorized into three different groups: A first group called “Achieving something positive for others,” a second group named “Quest for the new,” and a third group of motives labeled “Quest for oneself.” Motivations of young Swiss adults for international volunteering clearly show the characteristics of “reflexive” volunteers. Most respondents displayed a combination of motives while for only 11% of them altruism (“Achieving something positive for others”) was the one and only driving force behind their interest in international volunteering. The inductively constructed typology of motives can be a useful planning device for organizations that run or intend to set up an international volunteering program for young adults.
The dynamic nature and vast distances of exchange networks in the European Bronze Age are gradually being revealed through an increasing array of provenance studies. Here, the authors report the results of elemental and lead and copper isotope analyses of eight copper-based artefacts from a Middle to early Late Bronze Age settlement in Möriken-Wildegg (Switzerland’s Canton of Aargau). Diverse origins for the copper are identified, including the eastern and southern Alps and, potentially, Cyprus. Given their inconspicuous archaeological context, the authors argue that the objects from Möriken could suggest an influx of Cypriot copper into Central Europe around 1400 BC.
This study explores whether ideological polarization increases political engagement and trust, both of which are central elements of civic culture. Polarization can clarify political positions and thereby simplify the formation of opinions, increase the stakes of elections, and offer more options to citizens. To estimate the impact of polarization from a causal perspective, we exploit variation within individuals over time using individual-level data from the Swiss Household Panel spanning from 1999 – 2023, amounting to 178,251 observations from 28,187 persons. Ideological polarization at the individual level is measured by a process of increasing extremity of the self-position on the left-right scale. In addition, we test how polarization of cohabiting household members has spillover effects on political engagement and trust. For political engagement, we adopt a comprehensive approach, focusing on interest in politics, participation in popular votes, party identification, and frequency of political discussions as dependent variables. Political trust is measured as confidence in the federal council. To analyze the data, we primarily use fixed effects models, complemented by a pooled Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) model, and cross-lagged models to address reverse causality. Results show that ideological polarization does promote engagement but has a weak negative impact on political trust. This effect remains significant when controlling for affective polarization. Additionally, there is an overall increase in political engagement and a decrease in political trust if partners living in the same household become more extreme in their ideological preferences.
The chapter presents an overview of English Medium Instruction (EMI) at Swiss universities. It describes historical and political aspects relating to languages in Switzerland. This entails the implications for the multilingual policy, language law, federalism, and the role of English in higher education. The nation’s model of communication informed by the partner-language model has evolved into multilingualism with English. Many university courses in Switzerland are offered in English depending on the research done in a given area. The analysis focuses on the data collected from the websites of major Swiss universities with regard to the EMI trends.
This chapter discusses Sean O’Casey’s drama performed in Germany, Austria, and German-speaking Switzerland. The main focus is on plays addressing political turmoil and revolutionary upheaval. Some German-speaking audiences for these plays were confronted with similar crises at the time that the plays were produced in the German language. As a hotspot of the East–West conflict, O’Casey’s plays performed in Berlin are of particular interest, and this chapter concludes with an appendix that lists key Germanophone premieres.
What do different ways of seeing the world mean for actors engaged in peacemaking? Through the case of Cameroon, I illustrate the critical yet often-overlooked role of one’s conceptions of self in the world – how actors see the world and their positions within it – in shaping peace processes. Considering the growing debate over the conceptualisation of the world order as anarchic or hierarchical and foregrounding Cameroonian articulations, I examine how notions of hierarchy and hypocrisy are constitutive of the conflict actors’ perceptions of the world and condition their engagements in foreign-led mediation concerning the Anglophone Crisis. Drawing on over 60 interviews, including those with Cameroonian ruling party members, opposition politicians, and individuals leading the armed separatist movement, I explain how considerations of self-image and status are powerful drivers of behaviours and not aspects that can be dismissed as ‘irrational’ or ‘overly sensitive’; rather, various Cameroonian actors deploy themes of hierarchy and hypocrisy in highly rational and intentional ways to further their aspirations. Inspired by Historical International Relations and reverse ethnography, the article challenges the presentist bias in much of today’s analysis of global politics and offers a historically conscious explanation of conflict parties’ behaviour in mediation.
Even though Shelley’s time in Switzerland in 1814 and 1816 adds up to just four months, during which he wrote surprisingly little, the alpine nation played an outsized role in his cultural canonisation. This article bases itself on a variety of published and manuscript texts by members of the Shelley circle and their contemporaries in order to review both tours, arguing that the poet was eager to find in Switzerland the living signs of a republican paradise and to view that country as romance rather than reality. The Alps provided the poet with powerful images of the natural sublime, which he associated with intellectual beauty and revolutionary necessity. On the other hand, despite his deepened appreciation of Swiss philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the poet remained far more sceptical of Switzerland’s mythic liberty and virtue.
Considers the international law and practice around asset recovery. Starts with UNCAC Chapter 5 and its genesis, and covers what human rights bodies have said on asset recovery and return. Summarizes the national law of major asset-holding states on recovery and return, and looks at four different models for returning assets to states where they were stolen while avoiding those same assets being re-stolen. Considers some of the complications of asset return where the same networks responsible for stealing them are still in power.
The chapter begins with a review of the historical and current socio-political context for sexual minority and gender diverse (SMGD) individuals living in Switzerland, followed by relevant research on the associations between minority stress and well-being. A particular focus is devoted to presenting data collected as part of the SMGD-MN study. The chapter concludes with recommendations for future psychological research with SMGD communities in Switzerland.
In Germany, the utility model is a type of intellectual property right that provides protection for novel and useful inventions. It is governed by the German Utility Model Act (“Gebrauchsmustergesetz” – GebrMG) which was enacted in 1891, making it the oldest still-existing utility model system in the world. Utility models grant the right holder exclusive control over the use and commercialisation of an invention for a period of ten years from the date of filing, subject to the payment of annual renewal fees. In a way, the utility model is the “little sister” of a full-fledged patent (also called a “petty patent”), protecting the same type of subject matter (technical inventions) with a more limited scope.
How should a democratic assembly be designed to attract large and diverse groups of citizens? We addressed this question by conducting a population survey in three communities with institutionalized participatory deliberative democracy in Switzerland. To examine participatory disposition in light of both individual characteristics and design features of the assembly that citizens contemplate joining, the survey comprised a conjoint experiment in which each respondent was asked to indicate his or her likelihood of participating in democratic assemblies with varying design features. The main result is that design features emphasizing the communitarian character of the assembly increase citizens’ willingness to participate, especially among disengaged citizens. Moreover, citizens were found to be less attracted by both very consensual and very adversarial meeting styles. Rather, we found meeting styles combining both controversy and consensus to be most favorable to assembly turnout. The implication is that practitioners of participatory or deliberative democracy must engage in community-building to foster turnout and inclusiveness in democratic assemblies.
Adopting policies that promote health for the entire biosphere (One Health) requires human societies to transition towards a more sustainable food supply as well as to deepen the understanding of the metabolic and health effects of evolving food habits. At the same time, life sciences are experiencing rapid and groundbreaking technological developments, in particular in laboratory analytics and biocomputing, placing nutrition research in an unprecedented position to produce knowledge that can be translated into practice in line with One Health policies. In this dynamic context, nutrition research needs to be strategically organised to respond to these societal expectations. One key element of this strategy is to integrate precision nutrition into epidemiological research. This position article therefore reviews the recent developments in nutrition research and proposes how they could be integrated into cohort studies, with a focus on the Swiss research landscape specifically.
The article analyzes a period when public officials withdrew children from the labor market and assigned them to the school system. While existing research delves into the reasons behind this process, focusing on sociopolitical reforms, economic factors and changing concepts of childhood, there is limited understanding of how working-class families responded. The article aims to fill the gap by examining the social impact on families when their children were barred from factory work by political-administrative authorities, shedding light on class formation and political subjectivation. Inspired by Jacques Rancière’s book Proletarian Nights the article specifically investigates the Swiss canton of Aargau, where the clash between industrial child labor and liberal school reforms around 1830 provides a unique perspective. The conflict prompted the mobilization of proletarian families, compelling them to organize, unite politically and collectively advocate for their children to rejoin the labor market.
A reduction in the demand for meat and particularly red meat has the potential to significantly enhance the sustainability and health of many people's diets. In the current work, I examine situational predictors of meat consumption in nationally representative nutrition surveys from three Western European countries: Switzerland, France and the Netherlands. More specifically, I examine whether the situational factors – the meal type, the day of the week and the location of the food consumption occasion – are predictive of whether meat and red meat are consumed. The results indicate that all three factors are linked to meat and red meat consumption with the patterns varying substantially across the different case study countries and in some cases also the gender of the consumer. The results emphasise the value of mapping situational correlates to inform situated interventions aimed at influencing meat consumption, while also highlighting important differences across both cultures and people.
Scholarship demonstrated the major role of inheritance and kinship for elite’s power reproduction, particularly among noble families. In the absence of monarchic and court structures, ruling classes that enjoyed privileges and engaged in social closure could become the functional equivalent of a nobility. In this paper, we examine the evolution of the power of Swiss patrician families in the three major Swiss cities (Basel, Geneva, and Zurich) since the end of the nineteenth century and assess whether urban oligarchies endure in the twentieth century and what role kinship ties play in the reproduction of power structures. Building on a systematic database of 5,199 urban elites who hold power positions in the main economic, political, academic, and cultural institutions, we describe the evolution of Swiss patrician families between 1890 and 1957. Using social network, kinship, and sequence analysis, we provide a comprehensive investigation of the Swiss patrician elite’s evolution at both the individual and the family level. Our analyses show a general decline of patrician families’ presence in urban positions of power, however with significant variations according to both the cities and the spheres of activity. Furthermore, we identify distinct trajectories of families who have either lost their access to power positions, managed to access again or have remained in urban power positions according to different survival strategies. Beyond the Swiss case, we contribute to the literature on power and kinship through an interdisciplinary approach combining historical and sociological perspectives.
This chapter considers relations between the European Union and other European States. The European Economic Area establishes something close to a single market, with non-EU States transposing swathes of EU law into their national law. A customs union with Turkey in non-agricultural goods requires Turkey to align its laws with EU laws relating to external trade and free movement of goods. A hybrid regime exists with the United Kingdom. Northern Ireland aligns its external trade and free movement of goods law with EU law. A free trade agreement exists for the rest of the United Kingdom which abolishes tariffs on movement of goods but allows regulatory barriers. A free trade agreement also operates with Ukraine under which it aligns its laws with EU law in free movement of goods, most of free movement for services, environmental, labour and competition law. A limited free trade agreement exists with Switzerland, alongside a number of agreements in which Switzerland aligns its laws with EU law in return for access to the EU market or territory. The chapter also considers the ‘Brussels effect’ under which non-EU States and industries voluntarily adopt EU law to access the EU market.
Helvetic sediments from the northern margin of the Alps in eastern Switzerland were studied by clay mineralogical methods. Based on illite “crystallinity” (Kübier index), the study area is divided into diagenetic zone, anchizone and epizone. Data on the regional distribution of the following index minerals are presented: smectite, kaolinite/smectite mixed-layer phase, kaolinite, pyrophyllite, paragonite, chloritoid, glauconite and stilpnomelane. Isograds for kaolinite/pyrophyllite and glauconite/stilpnomelane are consistent with illite “crystallinity” zones. Using the ordering of mixed-layer illite/smectite, the diagenetic zone is subdivided into three zones. The illite domain size distribution was analyzed using the Warren-Averbach technique. The average illite domain size does not change much within the diagenetic zone, but shows a large increase within the anchizone and epizone. The average illite b0 value indicates conditions of an intermediate-pressure facies series.
The Helvetic nappes show a general increase in diagenetic/metamorphic grade from north to south, and within the Helvetic nappe pile, grade increases from tectonically higher to lower units. However, a discontinuous inverse diagenetic/metamorphic zonation was observed along the Glarus thrust, indicating 5–10 km of offset after metamorphism. In the study area, incipient metamorphism was a late syn- to post-nappe-forming event.