To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
To understand health communication in Ghanaian contexts and how arts are ‘activated’ in this sphere, indigenous ways of communicating health and navigating healing must be explored. I discuss these dynamics in two communities: Nkoranza, an Akan community, and Ga Mashie, a Ga community. Both communities adhere to a cultural imperative to ‘sell one’s illness in order to get a cure’. I argue that the ‘selling’ is health communication, while the ‘cure’ encompasses eclectic therapeutic options, including pharmacological, psychological and/or spiritual methods. These communities are also hypervigilant about risk in intimate relations, which is heightened during serious illness and complicates the imperative to sell one’s sickness. Indigenous healers navigate this psychosocial terrain creatively and subversively, aiming to ‘sell healing’ for all conditions. They advertise using multi-form arts, tell stories in diagnostic encounters, and incorporate artefacts and performance in healing processes. I will illustrate where ‘selling sickness’ intersects with ‘re-inventions of healing traditions’ in healing environments and signpost where specific art forms are activated in these spaces.
4. The aim of this chapter is to reflect on some crucial differences between the first and second editions of Psychoanalysis. Moscovici wrote the first edition during his ‘age of intellectual innocence’ when he knew only a little of Durkheim’s work; even the term ‘social representation’ came from Father Lenoble. He created his theory independently of Durkheim’s collective representations. None of the main concepts of Moscovici’s social representations were derived from Durkheim; instead, his main ideas contradicted Durkheim’s collective representations.
While in the two introductory pieces Moscovici expresses himself in Durkheimian fashion, the rest of the second edition follows the same path as the first. The major concepts of the theory, that is, objectification, anchoring, cognitive polyphasia, natural thinking, and communication, are discussed, although some of their meanings are changed or reformulated. Moscovici’s revision of the second edition has had major effects on the interpretation of his theory in several directions. It was the second edition that was translated into other languages and, therefore, it was interpreted in a Durkheimian way even though the concepts held by Durkheim and Moscovici were totally different. The root of the theory of social representations and communication between the two editions of Psychoanalysis remains puzzling.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.