International nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) are frequently criticized for failing to adequately represent or engage with grassroots stakeholders. Yet most explanations of this shortcoming have focused on factors external to the organizations, e.g., economic pressures that privilege donor interests. What has been largely lacking is an examination of the role of internal INGO characteristics. We address this by examining INGOs’ legitimacy standards: how INGOs understand themselves to be doing the right thing and seek to convey that righteousness to others. Drawing on the literature from business ethics and organizational behavior, we show that organizations’ self-selected standards of legitimacy are key drivers of behavior. Using an analysis of 57 American INGO websites, we identify 11 legitimacy types and examine their usage. We find that while most INGOs make a series of technical legitimacy claims that seem designed to attract donors, they simultaneously employ additional legitimacy standards that do not seem to be externally dictated. These additional standards generally prioritize adherence to a cause rather than stakeholder input. The findings suggest that challenges to INGO representivity or responsiveness result not only from external pressures, but also from INGOs’ own choice of values.

Referred to as change agents, innovators, practical dreamers, and pioneers of our era, the literature on social entrepreneurs exhibits high hopes for the future of social enterprise in international development. Yet, the field has come to a crossroads in its history as many remain unsure of just how social enterprise differs from NGOs on the one hand, and standard commercial enterprises on the other. This article examines the relatively new roots of social entrepreneurship in the context of global development paradigms, looking at the pros and cons of a field which remains controversial from the perspective of both the private and the public sector. Using the model of the prominent social enterprise KickStart International, we illustrate how KickStart’s social enterprise model corresponds with current trends in the world of development internationally, with its particular focus on sub-Saharan Africa. Finally, we examine how recent evaluation research has shed light on KickStart and the contributions of social enterprise, as well as how evaluation research can inform social enterprise’s contributions to international development.

Faith-based organizations (FBOs) have long played a role in international development, and are increasingly involved in environmental sustainability initiatives. Despite these contributions they have, until recently, been largely ignored in scholarship and by secular agencies. This article adds to the growing recognition of FBOs, exploring the identity and function of FBOs doing environmental and development work in Kenya through document review, qualitative questionnaires and participant observation. A diverse group of FBOs with varied identities and engaged in a broad range of activities revealed several strengths and challenges of faith-based environmental and development work. Of particular note is the key role churches and faith-based agencies can play in effecting sustainable and holistic change in Global South countries, due to their rootedness in the community, the social capital they help to produce, and the respect they receive from the people.

International volunteering is an increasingly popular form of service work, but the scholarship on international volunteering has done little to unpack the assertion that organizations shape the international volunteering experience. We demonstrate the utility of taking an organizational perspective by reporting on an ethnographic investigation of an international voluntary service episode in Southern India. In doing so, we attend to all of the parties common to international volunteering—the coordinating international volunteer service organization, the host NGOs, and the volunteers—and pay particular attention to the organizational dynamics that influence the service rendered. We find that the different actors in the service relationship understood successful international development efforts in different ways, which frustrated the productivity of the relationships in question. These mismatched goals were partly the legacy of a partnership-formation process that followed a cultural–historical logic rather than an instrumental one. The consequences were dissatisfaction on the part of volunteers and mixed benefits for the organizations with which they were matched. We suggest that these findings have relevance to other international volunteering sites.

This paper examines the effects of shifts in “development discourse” on the behavior of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Drawing upon detailed case histories of two well-established NGOs in western India, it is demonstrated that (1) the case NGOs have been profoundly influenced by discourses prevailing during their initial, formative stages; (2) NGO behavior is subject to changes in global development discourses that are transmitted to them via a range of mechanisms including consultants, conditions of funding, and reporting requirements; and (3) these NGOs have been able to challenge and adapt certain discourses to suit their own needs and circumstances, sometimes even sparking wider structural change.

‘Is political science out of step with the world?’ This question, raised by John E. Trent in a recent issue, is part of a recurring debate about the development of our discipline. In that article, and in a subsequent book with his colleague Michael Stein, John Trent blames adherents of the ‘scientific method’ for political science’s growing irrelevance. We challenge this claim by arguing that Trent falls back on outdated polarities between ‘objective and normative’, and ‘explanation and interpretation’, in order to justify his allegation. We argue for the need to review our methods continuously, rather than dig up a fruitless and biased division between qualitative and quantitative approaches.

This paper examines the role of development NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) in furthering the political participation of the poor, with data from Bangladesh and Nepal. The topic is discussed from three aspects: the role of NGOs in prodemocracy movements, the issues raised by antiglobalization movements, and the extent of NGO involvement in local government elections. The paper draws on fieldwork conducted in two villages—one in Bangladesh and the other in Nepal. It is concluded that development NGOs tend to contribute more to elite interests than to the democratic political participation of the poor.

The role of civil society in the improvement of equitable development and the stimulation of democratic culture has been notably recognised by international development agencies. In the new policy of ‘good governance’ that proposes progress regarding development and democracy in parallel in the developing countries, civil society is often represented by non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This paper bases its arguments primarily on theories in relation to the role of civil society with regard to development and democracy to raise concerns about current policy trends of ‘good governance’ in the general context of developing countries with the main focus on Africa. The concerns are substantiated by empirical verification through a review of literature. The paper concludes that NGOs are unlikely to have the strength to either promote development or foster democracy.

NGOs have, of late, found some of their traditional domains, such as provision of micro-credit and participatory development, coinciding with or being taken away by the state. How do they position themselves and retain relevance vis-a-vis the state in the changed scenario? Tracing the trajectory of interventions of a local NGO in Kerala, India, this article shows that NGOs exhibit ‘multiple identities’—selective collaboration, gap-filling and posing alternatives—in the process of engagement with the state. The ‘strategizing’ of such identities may hold the key to their relevance vis-a-vis the state.

Islamic welfare organizations are currently going through processes of ‘NGOization’. Drawing on qualitative data from Pakistan, Norway and the UK (2012–2015), this article examines how two Islamic welfare organizations which are embedded in Islamic political movements, become ‘Muslim NGOs’. The NGOization of Islamic charity signifies not only a change in organizational structure and legal status, but also more profound changes in organizational discourse and practice, and in the ways the organizations make claims to legitimacy. To claim legitimacy as providers of aid in changing institutional environments, the organizations draw on both religious and professional sources of authority. By analysing the NGOization of Islamic charity, the paper brings out the importance of normative frameworks in shaping organizational legitimacy and sheds light on the continued significance of both moral and transcendental aspects of the discourses, practices and identities of Muslim NGOs.

Capacity has become a prominent theme in the literature on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the last few decades, due in part to the increasingly global role these organizations play in development. We analyze data obtained from a national sample of local and international NGOs operating in Cambodia, documenting capacity differences between these two groups as well as highlighting overall levels of capacity in the sector. The analysis covers a number of different organizational dimensions that have been associated with capacity, including structural characteristics and concrete management practices. Results suggest that international NGOs generally have greater capacity, but overall levels of capacity are relatively low for a variety of measures. We conclude with an exploratory cluster analysis that identifies four distinctive groups of NGOs based on capacity, providing additional insights into diversity within the sector. These findings will be useful for comparative NGO research and for capacity-building programs, in addition to helping establish an agenda for future research to monitor progress.

In today’s Latin America, governments implementing public policies for development and against poverty and inequality meet with social movements that engage in practices for social change, poverty reduction, and empowering. In this context, we analyze the interplay between both processes, describing its conflicts in three specific dimensions: the material, the democratic, and the environmental. Social movements are permanently contesting and challenging public policy when they autonomously appropriate public policy resources; yet, governments respond with criminalization and cooptation strategies. In a setting where social conflict takes place in response to existing poverty and inequality levels, movements challenge development and poverty reduction projects of an ‘assistentialist’ and extractivist nature, and propose an integral understanding of development and the emergence of new relationships among individuals, society, and the environment.

This paper arises from the empirical evidence about trends, issues and perspectives in political science to be found in the International Political Science Association's (IPSA) Research Committee 33 book series entitled – The World of Political Science: Development of the Discipline and the papers presented at the 2008 Montreal Conference of the IPSA on New Theoretical and Regional Perspectives on International Political Science. One of the issues raised by this analysis of the discipline's strengths and weaknesses is the question of whether political science is relevant to the outside world, and if not why not? It is evident to the naked eye that in comparison with, say, economists (President Obama has three advisory councils), political science is of relatively little interest to policymakers, the media and the public. We have to ask whether political science is out of step with the world, and if so what might be done about it?

During the year 2005 many organizations took part in Poverty Zero, a campaign that aims to reach the United Nation’s Millennium Development Goals for 2015. Based on participant observation and open ended interviews, this paper describes the origins, development, and evaluation of Poverty Zero in Andalusia (Spain). It examines, by means of ethnography, how DNGOs (Development Nongovernmental Organizations) create social movement networks, and explores the limits and possibilities of their advocacy activities. The paper concludes that DNGOs tend to generate centralized social movements with reduced questioning of the global system. Nevertheless, as shown in the case of the Andalusian Alliance against Poverty, the more decentralized a movement, the deeper its transformational potential.

Religious aid and development charities are quite numerous in the USA. However, it is unclear what the long-run economic and cultural impacts of religious philanthropy are within the recipient nation’s affiliated population. To begin answering this question, this study employs descriptive methods by examining educational outcomes among Protestants in South Korea, following a 50-year effort by Protestant missionaries to establish formalized schools throughout the Korean Peninsula. Using modern data, the study finds a persistent, positive relationship between identifying as a Protestant and years of education across two datasets following South Koreans in different age cohorts. This relationship holds over the creation of the highly centralized South Korean education system, and the average years of education doubling over age cohorts in the sample. In addition to finding higher levels of education, the study finds that Korean Protestants are more likely to hold office or professional jobs but do not earn higher household incomes. Further indicating persistence, the study finds a cultural tie between current Korean Protestants and missionary aid based on the nation to which Korean Protestants feel closest to. Much of the observed economic relationship can be explained through religious attendance; however, the cultural missionary tie appears to be driven by Protestant affiliation.