Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Contributors
- Comparisons in Human Development: To Begin a Conversation
- Part One Metatheoretical Approaches to Developmental Comparisons
- Part Two Paradigmatic Statements
- Part Three Comparisons at the Level of Data
- Part Four Commentaries
- 10 Developmental Science: A Case of the Bird Flapping Its Wings or the Wings Flapping the Bird?
- 11 Conceptual Transposition, Parallelism, and Interdisciplinary Communication
- 12 The “Ecological” Approach: When Labels Suggest Similarities beyond Shared Basic Concepts in Psychology
- 13 Problems of Comparison: Methodology, the Art of Storytelling, and Implicit Models
- 14 The Promise of Comparative, Longitudinal Research for Studies of Productive-Reproductive Processes in Children's Lives
- 15 Integrating Psychology into Social Science
- Author Index
- Subject Index
14 - The Promise of Comparative, Longitudinal Research for Studies of Productive-Reproductive Processes in Children's Lives
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 May 2010
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of Contributors
- Comparisons in Human Development: To Begin a Conversation
- Part One Metatheoretical Approaches to Developmental Comparisons
- Part Two Paradigmatic Statements
- Part Three Comparisons at the Level of Data
- Part Four Commentaries
- 10 Developmental Science: A Case of the Bird Flapping Its Wings or the Wings Flapping the Bird?
- 11 Conceptual Transposition, Parallelism, and Interdisciplinary Communication
- 12 The “Ecological” Approach: When Labels Suggest Similarities beyond Shared Basic Concepts in Psychology
- 13 Problems of Comparison: Methodology, the Art of Storytelling, and Implicit Models
- 14 The Promise of Comparative, Longitudinal Research for Studies of Productive-Reproductive Processes in Children's Lives
- 15 Integrating Psychology into Social Science
- Author Index
- Subject Index
Summary
In introducing this volume the editors argue for the need to focus directly on the processes or mechanisms of development and to document how and why these processes may vary across cultural, ethnic, racial, and socioeconomic groups. I feel these are laudable goals and would argue that we need new methodological practices to reach them. I have discussed elsewhere (Corsaro, 1993) the promise of comparative, longitudinal ethnography for studying productive–reproductive processes in children's lives. While I have relied on and see great potential in the use of ethnographic methods for studying socialization (or “interpretive reproduction,” Corsaro, 1992), I believe a range of methods are appropriate for the study of developmental processes. However, whatever methods are employed are best placed in a general research program or agenda that is longitudinal and ethnohistorical, multilevel, and cross–cultural.
Longitudinal research, whether quantitative or qualitative, is important because it allows for a direct focus on the nature and results of changes in children's lives as they move through key developmental and transition periods. All three of the chapters I have been asked to comment on have at least some longitudinal features in their research designs.
The chapter by Beth Kurtz–Costes, Rona McCall, and Wolfgang Schneider on acculturation (Chapter 6) offers the most traditional and extensive longitudinal design of the three. As the authors note, it is surprising that there have been so few longitudinal studies of acculturation.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Comparisons in Human DevelopmentUnderstanding Time and Context, pp. 334 - 339Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1996