Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-ndw9j Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-10T07:59:04.579Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Migration Myths and the End of the Bronze Age in the Eastern Mediterranean

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 March 2021

A. Bernard Knapp
Affiliation:
University of Glasgow

Summary

This Element looks critically at migration scenarios proposed for the end of the Bronze Age in the eastern Mediterranean. After presenting some historical background to the development of migration studies, including types and definitions of migration as well as some of its possible material correlates, I consider how we go about studying human mobility and issues regarding 'ethnicity'. There follows a detailed and critical examination of the history of research related to migration and ethnicity in the southern Levant at the end of the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1200 BC), considering both migrationist and anti-migrationist views. I then present and critique recent studies on climatic and related issues, as well as the current state of evidence from palaeogenetics and strontium isotope analyses. The conclusion attempts to look anew at this enigmatic period of transformation and social change, of mobility and connectivity, alongside the hybridised practices of social actors.
Get access
Type
Element
Information
Online ISBN: 9781108990363
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication: 22 April 2021

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Adams, M. J., & Cohen, M. E., 2013. The ‘sea peoples’ in primary sources, in The Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples” in Text and Archaeology, eds. Killebrew, A. & Lehmann, G.. (Archaeology and Biblical Studies 15.) Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 645–64.Google Scholar
Adams, W. Y., Gerven, D. P. V. & Levy, R. S., 1978. The retreat from migrationism. Annual Review of Anthropology 7, 483532.Google Scholar
Agranat-Tamir, L., Waldman, S., Martin, M. A. S.Finkelstein, I., Carmel, L. & Reich, D. (35 authors), 2020. The genomic history of the Bronze Age southern Levant. Cell 181, 1146–57.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Allentoft, M. E., Sikora, M., Sjogren, K.-G.Nielsen, R., Kristiansen, K. & Willerslev, E. (66 authors), 2015. Population genomics of Bronze Age Eurasia. Nature 522(7555),167–72. https://doi.org/10.1038/nature14507.Google Scholar
Ammerman, A. J., & Cavalli-Sforza, L. L., 1984. The Neolithic Transition and the Genetics of Population in Europe. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Anthony, D. W., 1990. Migration in archaeology: the baby and the bathwater. American Anthropologist 92, 895914.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Anthony, D. W., 1997. Prehistoric migration as social process, in Migrations and Invasions in Archaeological Explanation, eds. Chapman, J. & Hamerow, H.. (British Archaeological Reports, International Series 664.) Oxford: Tempus Reparatum, 2132.Google Scholar
Artzy, M., 1997. Nomads of the sea, in Res Maritimae: Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean from Prehistory through Late Antiquity, eds. Swiny, S., Hohlfelder, R. & Swiny, H. W.. (Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute, Monograph 1.) Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 116.Google Scholar
Artzy, M., 2006. The Jatt Metal Hoard in Northern Canaanite/Phoenician and Cypriote Context. (Cuadernos de Arqueología Mediterránea 14.) Barcelona: Edicions Bellaterra.Google Scholar
Asscher, Y., & Boaretto, E., 2018. Absolute time ranges in the plateau of the Late Bronze to Iron Age transition and the appearance of Bichrome pottery in Canaan, southern Levant. Radiocarbon 61: 125.Google Scholar
Aubet, M. E., 2001. The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colonies and Trade. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Barako, T., 2000. The Philistine settlement as mercantile phenomenon? American Journal of Archaeology 104, 510–30.Google Scholar
Barako, T. J., 2003. The changing perception of the sea peoples phenomenon: migration, invasion or cultural diffusion, in Ploes. Sea Routes … : Interconnections in the Mediterranean, 16th–6th C. BC, eds. Stampolidis, N. C. & Karageorghis, V.. Athens: University of Crete, Leventis Foundation, 163–72.Google Scholar
Bauer, A., 1998. Cities of the sea: maritime trade and the origin of Philistine settlement in the Early Iron Age southern Levant. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 17, 149–68.Google Scholar
Bauer, A., 2014. The ‘sea peoples’ as an emergent phenomenon, in Αθυρματα: Critical Essays on the Archaeology of the Eastern Mediterranean in Honour of E. Susan Sherratt, eds. Galanakis, Y., Wilkinson, T. & Bennet, J.. Oxford: Archaeopress, 31–9.Google Scholar
Bellwood, P., 2013. First Migrants: Ancient Migration in Global Perspective. Chichester, UK:Wiley-Blackwell.Google Scholar
Ben-Dor Evian, S., 2015. “They were thr on land, others at sea … ”. The etymology of the Egyptian term for ‘sea-peoples’. Semitica 57, 5775.Google Scholar
Ben-Dor Evian, S., 2016. The battles between Ramesses III and the ‘Sea-Peoples’. When, where and who?: an iconic analysis of the Egyptian reliefs. Zeitschrift zur Ägyptischen Sprache 143, 151–68.Google Scholar
Ben-Dor Evian, S., 2017. Ramesses III and the ‘Sea-Peoples’: towards a new Philistine paradigm. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 36, 267–85.Google Scholar
Ben-Dor Evian, S., 2018. Egyptian historiography on the mobility of (sea) people at the end of the Late Bronze Age, in An Archaeology of Forced Migration. Crisis-Induced Mobility and the Collapse of the 13th c. BCE Eastern Mediterranean, ed. Driessen, J.. Louvain: Presses universitaires de Louvain, 219–28.Google Scholar
Ben-Shlomo, D., 2010. Philistine Iconography: A Wealth of Style and Symbolism. (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 241.) Fribourg: Academic Press.Google Scholar
Ben-Shlomo, D., Shai, I. & Maeir, A.M., 2004. Late Philistine decorated ware (‘Ashdod Ware’): typology, chronology, and production centers. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 335, 135.Google Scholar
Ben-Shlomo, D., Shai, I., Zukerman, A. & Maeir, A. M., 2008. Cooking identities: Aegean-style cooking jugs and cultural interaction in Iron Age Philistia and neighboring regions. American Journal of Archaeology 112, 225–46.Google Scholar
Bentley, R.A., 2006. Strontium isotopes from the earth to the archaeological skeleton: a review. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 13, 135–87.Google Scholar
Bhabha, H. K., 1994. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Blakey, M., 2020. On the biodeterministic imagination. Archaeological Dialogues 27, 116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Boaretto, E., Asscher, Y., Hitchcock, L. A., Lehmann, G. A., Maeir, A. M. & Wiener, S., 2019. The chronology of the Late Bronze (LB) to Iron Age (IA) transition in the southern Levant: a response to Finkelstein’s critique. Radiocarbon 61, 111. https://doi.org/DOI:10.1017/RDC.2018.57.Google Scholar
Booth, T. J., 2019. A stranger in a strange land: a perspective on archaeological responses to the palaeogenetic revolution from an archaeologist working amongst palaeogeneticists. World Archaeology 51, 586601.Google Scholar
Bourdieu, P., 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice. (Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology 16.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brettell, C. B., & Hollifield, J. F. (eds.), 2015. Migration Theory: Talking across Disciplines. 3rd ed. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Bronk Ramsey, C., Dee, M. W., Rowland, J. M.Wild, E., Marcus, E. S. & Shortland, A. J. (10 authors), 2010. Radiocarbon-based chronology for Dynastic Egypt. Science 328, 1554–7.Google Scholar
Broodbank, C., 2014. So… what? Does the paradigm currently want to budge so much? Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 27, 267–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bunimovitz, S., 1990. Problems in the “ethnic” identification of the Philistine culture. Tel Aviv 17, 210–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bunimovitz, S., 1998. Sea Peoples in Cyprus and Israel: a comparative study of immigration processes, in Mediterranean Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth to Tenth Centuries BCE, eds. Gitin, S., Mazar, A. & Stern, E.. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 103–13.Google Scholar
Bunimovitz, S., & Lederman, Z., 2014. Migration, hybridization, and resistance: identity dynamics in the early iron age southern Levant, in The Cambridge Prehistory of the Bronze and Iron Age Mediterranean, eds. Knapp, A. B. & P. van Dommelen New York: Cambridge University Press, 252–65.Google Scholar
Bunimovitz, S., & Yasur-Landau, A., 1996. Philistine and Israelite pottery: a comparative approach to the question of pots and people. Tel Aviv 23, 88101.Google Scholar
Bunimovitz, S., & Yasur-Landau, A., 2002. Women and Aegean immigration to Cyprus in the 12th century BCE, in Engendering Aphrodite: Women and Society in Ancient Cyprus, eds. Bolger, D. & Serwint, N.. (CAARI Monograph 3.) Boston: American Schools of Oriental Research, 211–22.Google Scholar
Burmeister, S., 2000. Archaeology and migration: approaches to an archaeological proof of migration. Current Anthropology 41, 539–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Burmeister, S., 2017. The archaeology of migration: what can and should it accomplish?, in Migration und Integration von Der Urgeschichte bis zum Mittelalter – Migration and Integration from Prehistory to the Middle Ages. (Tagungen des Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte Halle 17.) Halle, Germany: Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte, 5768.Google Scholar
Cabana, G., & Clark, J., 2011. Introduction. Migration in anthropology: where we stand, in Rethinking Anthropological Perspectives on Migration, eds. Cabana, G. & Clark, J.. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 315.Google Scholar
Cameron, C. M., 1995. Migration and the movement of southwestern peoples. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 14, 104–24.Google Scholar
Carter, T., Contreras, D. A., Holcomb, J.Taffin, N., Athanasoulis, D. & Lahaye, C. (9 authors), 2019. Earliest occupation of the central Aegean (Naxos), Greece: implications for hominin and Homo sapiens’ behavior and dispersals. Science Advances 5(10: eaax0997), 19. https://advances.sciencemag.org/content/5/10/eaax0997.Google Scholar
Chapman, J., & Hamerow, H. (eds.), 1997. Migrations and Invasions in Archaeological Explanation. (British Archaeological Reports, International Series 664.) Oxford: Tempus Reparatum.Google Scholar
Cherry, J. F., & Leppard, T. P., 2018. Patterning and its causation in the pre-Neolithic colonization of the Mediterranean islands (Late Pleistocene to Early Holocene). Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology 13, 191205.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Childe, V. G., 1928. The Most Ancient East: The Oriental Prelude to European Prehistory. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner.Google Scholar
Childe, V. G., 1950. Prehistoric Migrations in Archaeology. Oslo: Aschehoug and Co.Google Scholar
Clark, G. A., 1994. Migration as an explanatory concept in Paleolithic archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 1, 305–43.Google Scholar
Clarke, D. L., 1968. Analytical Archaeology. London: Methuen.Google Scholar
Cline, E. H., 1994. Sailing the Wine-Dark Sea: International Trade and the Late Bronze Age Aegean. (British Archaeological Reports, International Series 591.) Oxford: Archaeopress.Google Scholar
Comaroff, J. L., & Comaroff, J., 1992. Ethnography and the Historical Imagination. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Google Scholar
Crellin, R. J., & Harris, O. J. T., 2020. Beyond binaries: interrogating ancient DNA. Archaeological Dialogues 27, 3756.Google Scholar
Cross, F. M., & Stager, L. E., 2006. Cypro-Minoan inscriptions found in Ashkelon. Israel Exploration Journal 56, 129–59.Google Scholar
Cusick, J. G., 1998. Historiography of acculturation: an evaluation of concepts and their application in archaeology, in Studies in Culture Contact: Interaction, Culture Change and Archaeology, ed. Cusick, J. G.. (Center For Archaeological Investigations, Occasional Paper 25.) Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 126–45.Google Scholar
Davis, B., 2018. What language(s) did the Philistines speak? Near Eastern Archaeology 81, 2223.Google Scholar
Davis, B., Maeir, A. M. & Hitchcock, L. A., 2015. Disentangling entangled objects: Iron Age inscriptions from Philistia as a reflection of cultural processes. Israel Exploration Journal 65, 140–66.Google Scholar
Diaz-Andreu, M., 1997. Nationalism, ethnicity and archaeology: the archaeological study of Iberians through the looking glass. Journal of Mediterranean Studies 7, 154–68.Google Scholar
Diaz-Andreu, M., Lucy, S., Babic, S. & Edwards, D. N., 2005. The Archaeology of Identity: Approaches to Gender, Age, Status, Ethnicity and Religion. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Dothan, M., 1986. Shardina at Akko?, in Studies in Sardinian Archaeology II: Sardinia in the Mediterranean, ed. Balmuth, M.. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 105–15.Google Scholar
Dothan, T., 1982. The Philistines and Their Material Culture. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Dothan, T., 1998. Initial Philistine settlement: from migration to coexistence, in Mediterranean Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth to Tenth Centuries BCE, eds. Gitin, S., Mazar, A. & Stern, E.. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 148–61.Google Scholar
Dothan, T., 2000. Reflections on the initial phase of Philistine settlement, in The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, ed. Oren, E.. (University Museum Monograph 108.) Philadelphia: University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 145–58.Google Scholar
Dothan, T., & Dothan, M., 1992. People of the Sea: The Search for the Philistines. New York: Macmillan.Google Scholar
Dothan, T., & Zukerman, A., 2004. A preliminary study of the Mycenaean IIIC:1 pottery assemblages from Tel Miqne-Ekron and Ashdod. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 333, 154.Google Scholar
Drews, R., 1993. The End of the Bronze Age: Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe of ca. 1200 BC. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Drews, R., 2000. Medinet Habu: oxcarts, ships and migration theories. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 59, 161–90.Google Scholar
Driessen, J. (ed.), 2018. An Archaeology of Forced Migration: Crisis-Induced Mobility and the Collapse of the 13th c. BCE Eastern Mediterranean. Louvain: Presses universitaires de Louvain.Google Scholar
Eisenmann, S., Bánffy, E., van Dommelen, P.Krause, J., Reich, D. & Stockhammer, P. W. (11 authors), 2018. Reconciling material cultures in archaeology with genetic data: the nomenclature of clusters emerging from archaeogenomic analysis. Scientific Reports 8(13003),112. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-018-31123-zGoogle Scholar
Emanuel, J. P., 2015. King Taita and his “Palistin”: Philistine state or Neo-Hittite kingdom? Antiguo Oriente 13, 1140.Google Scholar
Emanuel, J. P., 2016. ‘Sea Peoples’ in Egyptian garrisons in light of Beth-Shean, (re-) reconsidered. Mediterranean Archaeology 28/29, 121.Google Scholar
Emberling, G., 1997. Ethnicity in complex societies: archaeological perspectives. Journal of Archaeological Research 5, 295344.Google Scholar
Faust, A., 2018. Pigs in space (and time): pork consumption and identity negotiations in the Late Bronze and Iron Ages of ancient Israel. Near Eastern Archaeology 81, 276–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Faust, A., 2019. ‘The inhabitants of Philistia’: on the identity of the Iron I settlers in the periphery of the Philistine heartland. Palestine Exploration Quarterly 151, 105–33.Google Scholar
Faust, A., & Lev-Tov, J., 2011. The constitution of Philistine identity: ethnic dynamics in twelfth to tenth century Philistia. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 30, 1331.Google Scholar
Feldman, M., Master, D. M., Bianco, R. A.Aja, A. J., Jeong, C. & Krause, J. (9 authors), 2019. Ancient DNA sheds light on the genetic origins of early Iron Age Philistines. Science Advances 5(eaax0061), 110. https://advances.sciencemag.org/content/5/7/eaax0061Google Scholar
Finkelstein, I., 1996. Ethnicity and origin of the Iron I settlers in the highlands of Canaan: can the real Israel stand up? Biblical Archaeologist 59, 198213.Google Scholar
Finkelstein, I., 2000. The Philistine settlements: when, where and how many?, in The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, ed. Oren, E. D.. (University Museum Monograph 108. University Museum Symposium Series 11.) Philadelphia: The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 159–80.Google Scholar
Finkelstein, I., 2007. Is the Philistine paradigm still viable?, in The Synchronisation of Civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium BC III, eds. Bietak, M. & Czerny, E.. (Denkschrfiten der Gesamtakademie 37. Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 9.) Wein: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 517–23.Google Scholar
Finkelstein, I., 2016. To date or not to date: radiocarbon and the arrival the Philistines. Ägypten und Levante 26, 275–84.Google Scholar
Finkelstein, I., Langgut, D., Meiri, M. & Sapir-Hen, L., 2017. Egyptian imperial economy in Canaan: reaction to the climate crisis at the end of the Late Bronze Age. Ägypten und Levante 27, 249–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Finné, M., Holmgren, K., Sundqvist, H. S., Weiberg, E. & Lindblom, M., 2011. Climate in the eastern Mediterranean, and adjacent regions, during the past 6000 years: a review. Journal of Archaeological Science 38, 3153–73.Google Scholar
Finné, M., Holmgren, K., Shen, C.-C., Hu, H.-M., Boyd, M. & Stocker, S., 2017. Late Bronze Age climate change and the destruction of the Mycenaean Palace of Nestor at Pylos. PLoS ONE 12(12),e0189447. https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0189447CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Finné, M., Woodbridge, J., Labuhn, I. & Roberts, C. N., 2019. Holocene hydro-climatic variability in the Mediterranean: a synthetic multi-proxy reconstruction. The Holocene 29, 847–63.Google Scholar
Fischer, P. M. & Bürge, T. M. (eds.), 2017. ‘Sea Peoples’ Up-to-Date: New Research on Transformation in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th–11th Centuries BCE. Wein: Verlag der Österreichischen Academie der Wissenschaften.Google Scholar
Furholt, M., 2018. Massive migrations? The impact of recent aDNA studies on our view of third millennium Europe. European Journal of Archaeology 21, 159–91.Google Scholar
Furholt, M., 2019. Re-integrating archaeology: a contribution to aDNA studies and the migration discourse on the 3rd millennium BC in Europe. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 85, 115–29.Google Scholar
Furholt, M., 2020. Biodeterminism and pseudo-objectivity as obstacles for the emerging field of archaeogenetics. Archaeological Dialogues 27, 23–5.Google Scholar
Gadot, Y., 2019. The Iron I settlement wave in the Samaria highlands and its connection with the urban centers. Near Eastern Archaeology 82, 3241.Google Scholar
Galanidou, N., 2018. Parting the waters: Middle Palaeolithic archaeology in the central Ionian Sea. Journal of Greek Archaeology 2, 122.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gilboa, A., 2005. Sea Peoples and Phoenicians along the southern Phoenician coast – a reconciliation: an interpretation of Sikila (SKL) material culture. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 337, 4778.Google Scholar
Gilboa, A., & Sharon, I., 2017. Fluctuations in Levantine maritime foci across the Late Bronze/Iron Age transition: charting the role of the Sharon-Carmel (Tjeker) coast in the rise of Iron Age Phoenician polities, in ‘Sea Peoples’ Up-To-Date: New Research on Transformation in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th-11th Centuries BCE, eds. Fischer, P. M. & Bürge, T.. Wein: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 285–98.Google Scholar
Gitin, S., 2004. The Philistines: neighbors of the Canaanites, Phoenicians and Israelites, in One Hundred Years of American Archaeology in the Middle East, eds. Clark, D. & Matthews, V.. Boston: American Schools of Oriental Research, 5784.Google Scholar
Gitin, S., Dothan, T. & Naveh, J., 1997. A royal dedicatory inscription from Ekron. Israel Exploration Journal 47, 116.Google Scholar
Goody, J., 2001. Bitter icons. New Left Review 7, 515.Google Scholar
Greenberg, R., 2019. The Archaeology of the Bronze Age Levant: From Urban Origins to the Demise of City-States, 3700–1000 BCE. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Greenblatt, S. (ed.), 2010. Cultural Mobility: A Manifesto. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Gregoricka, L. A., & Sheridan, S. G., 2017. Continuity or conquest? A multi-isotope approach to investigating identity in the Early Iron Age of the southern Levant. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 162, 7389.Google Scholar
Gur-Arieh, S., Boaretto, E., Maeir, A. M. & Shahack-Gross, R., 2012. Formation processes in Philistine hearths from Tell es-Safi/Gath (Israel): an experimental approach. Journal of Field Archaeology 37, 121–31.Google Scholar
Haak, W., Lazaridis, I., Patterson, N., …, Cooper, A., Alt, K. W. & Reich, D. (39 authors), 2015. Massive migration from the steppe was a source for Indo-European languages in Europe. Nature 522, 207–11.Google Scholar
Haber, M., Doumet-Serhal, C., Scheib, C., …, Zalloula, P., Kivisild, T. & Tyler-Smith, C. (16 authors), 2017. Continuity and admixture in the last five millennia of Levantine history from ancient Canaanite and present-day Lebanese genome sequences. American Journal of Human Genetics 101, 274–82.Google Scholar
Hakenbeck, S., 2008. Migration in archaeology: are we nearly there yet? Archaeological Review from Cambridge 23(2), 926.Google Scholar
Hakenbeck, S., 2019. Genetics, archaeology and the far right: an unholy Trinity. World Archaeology 51, 517–27.Google Scholar
Hamilakis, Y. (ed.), 2018. The New Nomadic Age: Archaeologies of Forced and Undocumented Migration. Sheffield: Equinox.Google Scholar
Hastorf, C. A., 2017. The Social Archaeology of Food: Thinking about Eating from Prehistory to the Present. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Hawkins, J. D., 2000. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions 1. Inscriptions of the Iron Age. (Studies in Indo-European Languages and Culture n.s. 3 [3 vols.].) Berlin: de Gruyter.Google Scholar
Hawkins, J. D., 2020. The Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions of the Amuq, in Alalakh and Its Neighbours, eds. Yener, K. A. & Ingman, T.. (Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplement 55.) Louvain: Peeters, 4153.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hegmon, M., 1998. Technology, style, and social practices: archaeological approaches, in The Archaeology of Social Boundaries, ed. Stark, M. T.. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 264–79.Google Scholar
Hesse, B., & Wapnish, P., 1997. Can pig remains be used for ethnic diagnosis in the Ancient Near East?, in The Archaeology of Israel: Constructing the Past, Interpreting the Present, eds. Silberman, N. A. & Small, D. B.. (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement 237.) Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 238–70.Google Scholar
Hitchcock, L. A., & Maeir, A. M., 2013. Beyond creolization and hybridity: entangled and transcultural identities in Philistia. Archaeological Review from Cambridge 28(1), 5172.Google Scholar
Hitchcock, L. A., & Maeir, A. M., 2014. Yo-ho, yo-ho, a seren’s life for me! World Archaeology 46, 624–40.Google Scholar
Hodder, I.A., 1982. Symbols in Action: Ethnoarchaeological Studies of Material Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Hofmann, D., 2019. Review of D. Reich, Who We Are and How We Got Here: Ancient DNA and the New Science of the Human Past (Oxford, 2018). European Journal of Archaeology 22, 434–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hoffmeier, J. K., 2018. A possible location in northwest Sinai for the sea and land battles between the Sea Peoples and Ramesses III. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 380, 125.Google Scholar
Iacovou, M., 2013. Aegean-style material culture in Late Cypriot III: minimal evidence, maximal interpretation, in The Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples” in Text and Archaeology, eds. Killebrew, A. & Lehmann, G.. (Archaeology and Biblical Studies 15.) Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 585618.Google Scholar
Ingman, T., Eisenmann, S., Skourtanioti, E.Roberts, P., Yener, K. A. & Stockhammer, P. W. (17 authors), 2020. Human mobility at Tell Atchana (Alalakh) during the 2nd millennium BC: integration of isotopic and genomic evidence. www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1101/2020.10.23.351882v1.Google Scholar
Janeway, B., 2017. Sea Peoples of the Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat. (Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 7.) Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Joffe, A. H., 2002. The rise of secondary states in the Iron Age Levant. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 45: 425–67.Google Scholar
Jones, S., 1997. The Archaeology of Ethnicity: Reconstructing Identities in the Past and the Present. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Jung, R., 2017. The sea peoples after three millennia: possibilities and limitations of historical reconstruction, in ‘Sea Peoples’ Up-To-Date: New Research on Transformation in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th–11th Centuries BCE, eds. Fischer, P. M. & Bürge, T. M.. Wein: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2342.Google Scholar
Jung, R., 2018. Push and pull factors of the sea peoples between Italy and the Levant, in An Archaeology of Forced Migration. Crisis-Induced Mobility and the Collapse of the 13th c. BCE Eastern Mediterranean, ed. Driessen, J.. Louvain: Presses universitaires de Louvain, 273306.Google Scholar
Kahn, D., 2011. The campaign of Ramesses III against Philistia. Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 3–4, 111.Google Scholar
Kaniewski, D., Paulissen, E., Van Campo, E., Weiss, H., Otto, T., Bretschneider, J. & Lerberghe, K.V., 2010. Late second–early first millennium BC abrupt climate changes in coastal Syria and their possible significance for the history of the Eastern Mediterranean. Quaternary Research 74, 207215.Google Scholar
Kaniewski, D., Van Campo, E., Lerberghe, K. V.Morhange, C., Otto, T. & Bretschneider, J. (9 authors), 2011. The Sea Peoples, from cuneiform tablets to carbon dating. PLoS ONE 6(6), 17. e20232Google Scholar
Kaniewski, D., Van Campo, E., Guiot, J., La Bruel, S., Otto, T. and Baeteman, C., 2013. Environmental roots of the Late Bronze Age crisis. PLoS ONE 8(8),1–10. e71004.Google Scholar
Kaniewski, D., Marriner, N., Bretschneider, J.Otto, T., Luce, F. & Van Campo, E. (9 authors), 2019. 300-year drought frames Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age transition in the Near East: new palaeoecological data from Cyprus and Syria. Regional Environmental Change 19: 2287–97. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10113-018-01460-wGoogle Scholar
Kaniewski, D., & Van Campo, E., 2017. The climatic context of the 3.2 kyr Cal BP event, in ‘Sea Peoples’ Up-To-Date: New Research on Transformation in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th–11th Centuries BCE, eds. Fischer, P. M. & Bürge, T. M.. Wein: Verlag der Österreichischen AKademie der Wissenschaften, 8594.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Karageorghis, V., 2013. Cyprus at the end of the Bronze [Age] again. Pasiphae 7, 125–32.Google Scholar
Karageorghis, V., 2019. New Archaeological Evidence for 12th Century BC Nicosia. (Ledraika.) Nicosia: Leventis Foundation.Google Scholar
Killebrew, A., 2005. Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity: An Archaeological Study of Egyptians, Canaanites, Philistines, and Early Israel 1300–1100 BCE. Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature.Google Scholar
Killebrew, A.E., 2018a. From “global” to “glocal”: cultural connectivity and interactions between Cyprus and the southern Levant during the transitional Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages, in Change, Continuity, and Connectivity. North-Eastern Mediterranean at the Turn of the Bronze Age and in the Early Iron Age, eds. Niesiołowski-Spanò, J. L. & Węcowski, P. M.. (Philippika 118.) Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 8194.Google Scholar
Killebrew, A., 2018b. The Levant in crisis: the materiality of migrants, refugees and colonizers at the end of the Bronze Age, in An Archaeology of Forced Migration. Crisis-Induced Mobility and the Collapse of the 13th c. BCE Eastern Mediterranean, ed. Driessen, J.. Louvain: Presses universitaires de Louvain, 187202.Google Scholar
Knapp, A. B., 1973. Mycenaean Pottery at Ugarit: Some Historical and Chronological Reflections. Unpublished MA thesis, Near Eastern Studies, University of California, Berkeley.Google Scholar
Knapp, A. B., 2001. Archaeology and ethnicity: a dangerous liaison. Archaeologia Cypria 4, 2946.Google Scholar
Knapp, A. B., 2008. Prehistoric and Protohistoric Cyprus: Identity, Insularity and Connectivity. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Knapp, A. B., 2014. Mediterranean archaeology and ethnicity, in A Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean, ed. Mcinerney, J.. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 3449.Google Scholar
Knapp, A. B., 2020. Piracy in the Late Bronze Age eastern Mediterranean? A cautionary tale. In Gilboa, A. and Yasur-Landau, A., eds., Nomads of the Mediterranean: Trade and Contact in the Bronze and Iron Ages. Studies in Honor of Michal Artzy, 142–60. Leiden: Brill.Google Scholar
Knapp, A. B., & Cherry, J. F., 1994. Provenience Studies and Bronze Age Cyprus: Production, Exchange, and Politico-Economic Change. (Monographs in World Archaeology 21.) Madison, WI: Prehistory Press.Google Scholar
Knapp, A. B., & Manning, S. W., 2016. Crisis in context: the end of the Late Bronze Age in the eastern Mediterranean. American Journal of Archaeology 120, 99149.Google Scholar
Knapp, A. B. & Meyer, N., 2020. Cyprus: Bronze Age demise, Iron Age regeneration, in Collapse and Transformation: The Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age in the Aegean, ed. Middleton, G. D.. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 237–46.Google Scholar
Krauss, R., 2015. Egyptian chronology: Ramesses II through Shoshenq III, with analysis of the lunar dates of Tuthmoses III. Ägypten und Levante 25, 335–82.Google Scholar
Kristiansen, K., 2014. Towards a new paradigm? The third science revolution and its possible consequences in archaeology. Current Swedish Archaeology 22, 1134.Google Scholar
Kristiansen, K., 2016. Interpreting Bronze Age trade and migration, in Human Mobility and Technological Transfer in the Prehistoric Mediterranean, eds. Kiriatizi, E. & Knappett, C.. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 154–80.Google Scholar
Kristiansen, K., Allentoft, M. E., Frei, K. M.Sjögren, K.-G., Sikora, M. & Willerslev, E. (12 authors), 2017. Re-theorising mobility and the formation of culture and language among the Corded Ware Culture in Europe. Antiquity 91(356), 334–47.Google Scholar
Kuhrt, A., 1996. The Ancient Near East: c. 3000–330 BC. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Langgut, D., Finkelstein, I. & Litt, T., 2013. Climate and the Late Bronze collapse: new evidence from the southern Levant. Tel Aviv 40, 149–75.Google Scholar
Lehmann, G., 2017. The Late Bronze-Iron Age transition and the problem of the sea peoples phenomenon in Cilicia, in ‘Sea Peoples’ Up-To-Date: New Research on Transformation in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th–11th Centuries BCE, eds. Fischer, P. M. & Bürge, T. M.. Wein: Verlag der Ôsterreichischen Adademie der Wissenschaften, 229–56.Google Scholar
Leppard, T.P., 2014. Mobility and migration in the Early Neolithic of the Mediterranean: questions of motivation and mechanism. World Archaeology 46, 484501.Google Scholar
Leppard, T. R., Esposito, C. & Esposito, M., 2020. The bioarchaeology of migration in the ancient Mediterranean: meta-analysis of radiogenic (87Sr/86Sr) isotope ratios. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 33 (2): 211–41.Google Scholar
Mac Sweeney, N., 2017. Separating fact from fiction in the Ionian migration. Hesperia 86, 379421.Google Scholar
MacArthur, R. H. & Wilson, E. O., 1967. The Theory of Island Biogeography. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Maeir, A. M. & Hitchcock, L. A., 2011. Absence makes the hearth grow fonder: searching for the origins of the Philistine hearth, in Amnon Ben-Tor Volume, eds. Aviram, J., Gitin, S., Mazar, A., Na’Aman, N., Stern, E. & Zuckerman, S.. (Eretz Israel 30.) Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 46*–64*.Google Scholar
Maeir, A. M. & Hitchcock, L. A., 2017. The appearance, formation and transformation of Philistine culture: new perspectives and new finds, in ‘Sea Peoples’ Up-to-Date: New Research on Transformation in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th–11th Centuries BCE, eds. Fischer, P. M. & Bürge, T.. Wein: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 149–62.Google Scholar
Maeir, A. M., David, B. & Hitchcock, L. A., 2016. Philistine names and terms once again: a recent perspective. Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies 4, 321–40.Google Scholar
Maeir, A. M., Ben-Shlomo, D., Cassuto, D.Weiss, E., Welch, E. L. & Workman, V. (16 authors), 2019. Technological insights on Philistine culture. Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies 7, 76118.Google Scholar
Manning, S. W., Kearns, C. & Lorentzen, B., 2017. Dating the end of the Late Bronze Age with radiocarbon: some observations, concerns, and revisiting the dating of Late Cypriot IIC to IIIA, in ‘Sea Peoples’ Up-To-Date: New Research on Transformation in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th–11th Centuries BCE, eds. Fischer, P. M. & Bürge, T.. Wein: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 95110.Google Scholar
Marcus, J. H., Posth, C., Ringbauer, H., …, Cucca, F., Krause, J. & Novembre, J. (38 authors), 2020. Genetic history from the Middle Neolithic to present on the Mediterranean island of Sardinia. Nature Communications 11: 939. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-020-14523-6.Google Scholar
Martîn García, J. M., & Artzy, M., 2018. Cultural transformations shaping the end of the Late Bronze Age in the Levant, in Proceedings of the 10th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, eds. Horejs, B., Schwall, C., Müller, V., Luciani, M., Ritter, M., Guidetti, M., Salisbury, R. B., Höflmayer, F. & Bürge, T.. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 97106.Google Scholar
Master, D. M., & Aja, A. J., 2017. The Philistine cemetery of Ashkelon. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 377, 135–59.Google Scholar
Matić, U., & Francović, F., 2020. Sea Peoples and the discourse of ‘Balkanism’ in Late Bronze Age archaeology, in Spheres of Interaction: Contacts and Relationships between the Balkans and Adjacent Regions in the Late Bronze / Iron Age (13th–5th Centuries BCE), eds. Gavranović, M., Heilmann, D., Kapuran, A. & Verčík, M.. Rahden/Westfallen: Verlag Marie Leidorf, 155–76.Google Scholar
Matisoo-Smith, E., Gosling, A. L., Bianco, R.A.Abou Diwan, G., Nassar, J. & Zalloua, P. (17 authors), 2018. Ancient mitogenomes of Phoenicians from Sardinia and Lebanon: a story of settlement, integration, and female mobility. PLoS ONE 13 (1):e0190169. https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0190169.Google Scholar
Mazar, A., 1985. The emergence of the Philistine material culture. Israel Exploration Journal 35, 95107.Google Scholar
Meiberg, L., 2013. Philistine lion-headed cups: Aegean or Anatolian?, in The Philistines and Other ‘Sea Peoples’ in Text and Archaeology, eds. Killebrew, A. & Lehmann, G.. (Archaeology and Biblical Studies 15.) Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 131–44.Google Scholar
Meiri, M., Huchon, D., Bar-Oz, G.Larsen, G., Weiner, S. & Finkelsetin, I. (10 authors), 2013. Ancient DNA and population turnover in southern Levantine pigs: signature of the sea peoples migration? Scientific Reports 3(3035),18. https://doi.org/10.1038/srep03035.Google Scholar
Meiri, M., Stockhammer, P. W., Marom, N.Huchon, D., Maran, J. & Finkelstein, I. (11 authors), 2017. Eastern Mediterranean mobility in the Bronze and Early Iron Ages: inferences from ancient DNA of pigs and cattle. Scientific Reports 7(701),110. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-017-00701-yGoogle Scholar
Meiri, M., Stockhammer, P. W., Morgenstern, P. & Maran, J., 2019. Mobility and trade in Mediterranean antiquity: evidence for an ‘Italian connection’ in Mycenaean Greece revealed by ancient DNA of livestock. Journal of Archaeological Science, Reports 23, 98103.Google Scholar
Middleton, G. D., 2015. Telling stories: the Mycenaean origin of the Philistines. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 34, 4565.Google Scholar
Middleton, G.D., 2018a. ‘I would walk 500 miles and I would walk 500 more’: the Sea Peoples and Aegean migration at the end of the Late Bronze Age, in Change, Continuity, and Connectivity: North-Eastern Mediterranean at the Turn of the Bronze Age and in the Early Iron Age, eds. Niesiołowski-Spanò, J. L. & Węcowski, P. M.. (Philippika 118.) Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 95115.Google Scholar
Middleton, G. D., 2018b. Should I stay or should I go? Mycenaeans, migration, and mobility in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age eastern Mediterranean. Journal of Greek Archaeology 3, 115–43.Google Scholar
Middleton, G. D., 2019. Collapse of Bronze Age civilizations, in Climate Changes in the Holocene: Impacts and Human Adaptation, ed. Chiotis, E.. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 271–92.Google Scholar
Middleton, G. (ed.), 2020. Collapse and Transformation: The Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age in the Aegean. Oxford: Oxbow.Google Scholar
Millek, J. M., 2018. Destruction and the fall of Egyptian hegemony over the southern Levant. Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 19, 121.Google Scholar
Millek, J. M., 2019. Exchange, Destruction, and a Transitioning Society: Interregional Exchange in the Southern Levant from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron I. (Ressourcen Kulturen 9.) Tübingen: Tübingen University Press.Google Scholar
Mithen, S., 2018. Neanderthals, Denisovians and modern humans. Review of D. Reich, Who We Are and How We Got Here: Ancient DNA and the New Science of the Human Past (Oxford, 2018), London Review of Books 40(17), 36.Google Scholar
Molloy, B. P. C., 2016. Nought may endure but mutability: eclectic encounters and material change in the 13th to 11th centuries BC Aegean, in Of Odysseys and Oddities: Scales and Modes of Interaction between Prehistoric Aegean Societies and Their Neighbours, ed. Molloy, B. P. C.. (Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology 10.) Oxford: Oxbow, 343–83.Google Scholar
Monroe, C., 2018. Marginalizing civilization: the Phoenician redefinition of power ca. 1300–800 BC, in Trade and Civilisation: Economic Networks and Cultural Ties, from Prehistory to the Early Modern Era, eds. Kristiansen, K., Lindkvist, T. & Myrdal, J.. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 195241.Google Scholar
Mountjoy, P., 1998. The east Aegean-west Anatolian interface in the Late Bronze Age: Mycenaeans and the kingdom of Ahhiyawa. Anatolian Studies 48, 3367.Google Scholar
Mountjoy, P., 2010. A note on the mixed origins of some Philistine pottery. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 359, 12.Google Scholar
Mountjoy, P., 2015. The east Aegean-west Anatolian interface in the 12th century BC. Some aspects arising from the Mycenaean pottery, in NOSTOI: Indigenous Culture, Migration and Integration in the Aegean Islands and Western Anatolia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages, eds. Stampolidis, N. C., Maner, Ç & Kopanias, K.. (Koç University Press Archaeology 58.) Istanbul: Koç University Press, 3780.Google Scholar
Mountjoy, P., 2018. Decorated Pottery in Cyprus and Philistia in the 12th Century BC: Cypriot IIIC and Philistine IIIC. 2 vols. Wein: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.Google Scholar
Muhly, J. D., 1980. Bronze figurines and Near Eastern metalwork. Israel Exploration Journal 30, 148–61.Google Scholar
Muhly, J. D., 1984. The role of the Sea Peoples in Cyprus during the LC III period, in Cyprus at the Close of the Late Bronze Age, eds. Karageorghis, V. & Muhly, J. D.. Nicosia: Leventis Foundation, 3955.Google Scholar
Nafplioti, A., 2016. Late Minoan IB destructions and cultural upheaval on Crete: a bioarchaeological perspective, in Population Dynamics in Prehistory and Early History: New Approaches Using Stable Isotopes and Genetics, eds. Kaiser, E., Burger, J. & Schier, W.. (Topoi 5.) Berlin: De Gruyter, 241–63.Google Scholar
Osborne, J., 2013. Sovereignty and territoriality in the city–state: a case study from the Amuq Valley, Turkey. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32, 774–90.Google Scholar
Osborne, J. F., Harrison, T. P., Batiuk, S., Welton, L., Dessell, J. P., Denel, E. and Demirci, Ö., 2019. Urban built environments in early 1st milllennium BCE Syro-Anatolia: results of the Tayinat Archaeological Project, 2004–2016. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 38, 261312.Google Scholar
Palmisano, A., Woodbridge, J., Roberts, C. N.Leroy, S. A. G., Litt, T. & Miebach, A. (13 authors), 2019. Holocene landscape dynamics and long-term population trends in the Levant. The Holocene 29, 708–27.Google Scholar
Panitz-Cohen, N., 2014. The southern Levant (Cisjordan) during the Late Bronze Age, in The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant c. 8000–323 BCE, eds. Killebrew, A. E. & Steiner, M. L.. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 541–60.Google Scholar
Pfoh, E., 2018. Socio-political changes and continuities in the Levant (1300–900 BCE, in Change, Continuity, and Connectivity. North-Eastern Mediterranean at the Turn of the Bronze Age and in the Early Iron Age., eds. Niesiołowski-Spanò, J. L. & Węcowski, P. M.. (Philippika 118.) Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 5767.Google Scholar
Raban, A. & Tur-Caspa, Y., 2008. Underwater survey, 1985–1987, in Ashkelon I. Introduction and Overview (1985–2006), eds. Stager, L. E., Schloen, J. D. & Master, D. M.. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 6796.Google Scholar
Rahmstorf, L., 2011. Handmade pots and crumbling loomweights: ‘barbarian’ elements in the Eastern Mediterranean in the last quarter of the 2nd millennium BC, in On Cooking Pots, Drinking Cups, Loomweights and Ethnicity in Bronze Age Cyprus and Neighbouring Regions, eds. Karageorghis, V. & Kouka, O.. Nicosia: Leventis Foundation, 315–30.Google Scholar
Raneri, S., Venturi, F., Palleschi, V., Legnaioli, S., Lezzerini, M., Pagnotta, S., Ramacciotti, M. & Gallello, G., 2019. Social and technological changes in the ceramic production of the northern Levant during the LBA/IA transition: new evidence about the Sea People issue through archaeometry. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 56 (101087). https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0278416518302290.Google Scholar
Reich, D., 2018. Who We Are and How We Got Here: Ancient DNA and the New Science of the Human Past. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Renfrew, A. C., 1987. Archaeology and Language: The Puzzle of Indo-European Origins. London: Jonathan Cape.Google Scholar
Renfrew, C., & Boyle, K. (eds.), 2000. Archaeogenetics: DNA and the Population Prehistory of Europe. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.Google Scholar
Robb, J., 2016. Introduction: the archaeology of bodies and the Eastern Mediterranean, in An Archaeology of Prehistoric Βodies and Embodied Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean, eds. Mina, M., Triantaphyllou, S. & Papadatos, Y.. Oxford: Oxbow, viixii.Google Scholar
Roberts, R. G., 2009. Identity, choice, and the Year 8 reliefs of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu, in Forces of Transformation: The End of the Bronze Age in the Mediterranean, eds. Bachhuber, C. & Roberts, R. G.. (BANEA Publication Series 1.) Oxford: Oxbow, 60–8.Google Scholar
Rouse, I., 1986. Migrations in Prehistory. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Routledge, B., 2017. Is there an Iron Age Levant? Revista del Instituto de Historia Antigua Oriental 18, 4976.Google Scholar
Runnels, C., 2014. Early Palaeolithic on the Greek Islands? Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 27, 211–30.Google Scholar
Russell, A., 2009. Deconstructing Ashdoda: migration, hybridisation, and the Philistine identity. BABESCH 84, 115.Google Scholar
Sader, H., 2019. The History and Archaeology of Phoenicia. Atlanta, GA: SBL Press.Google Scholar
Sandars, N. K., 1978. The Sea Peoples: Warriors of the Ancient Mediterranean 1250–1150 BC. London: Thames and Hudson.Google Scholar
Sapir-Hen, L., 2019. Food, pork consumption, and identity in ancient Israel. Near Eastern Archaeology 82, 52–9.Google Scholar
Sapir-Hen, L., Bar-Oz, G., Gadot, Y. & Finkelstein, I., 2013. Pig husbandry in Iron Age Israel and Judah: new insights regarding the origin of the ‘taboo’. Zeitschrift des Deutschen-Palästina Vereins 129, 120.Google Scholar
Sapir-Hen, L., Meiri, M. & Finkelstein, I., 2015. Iron Age pigs: new evidence on their origin and role in forming identity boundaries. Radiocarbon 57, 307–15.Google Scholar
Seguin, J., Bintliff, J., Grootes, P. M.Wild, E. M., Zagana, E. & Unkel, I. (13 authors), 2019. 2500 years of anthropogenic and climatic landscape transformation in the Stymphalia Polje, Greece. Quaternary Science Reviews 213, 133–54.Google Scholar
Sharon, I., 2001. Philistine Bichrome painted pottery: scholarly ideology and ceramic typology, in Studies in the Archaeology of Israel and Neighboring Lands in Memory of Douglas L. Esse, ed. Wolff, S. R.. (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations 59.) Boston: American Schools of Oriental Research, 555609.Google Scholar
Sharon, I., & Gilboa, A., 2013. The skl town: Dor in the Early Iron Age, in The Philistines and Other ‘Sea Peoples’ in Text and Archaeology, eds. Killebrew, A. & Lehmann, G.. (Archaeology and Biblical Studies 15.) Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 393468.Google Scholar
Sherratt, E. S., 1992. Immigration and archaeology: some indirect reflections, in Acta Cypria 2, ed. Astrom, P.. (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature, Pocketbook 117.) Jonsered, Sweden: P. Åström’s Förlag, 316–47.Google Scholar
Sherratt, S., 1998. ‘Sea peoples’ and the economic structure of the late second millennium in the eastern Mediterranean, in Mediterranean Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth to Tenth Centuries BCE, eds. Gitin, S., Mazar, A. & Stern, E.. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 292313.Google Scholar
Sherratt, S., 2003. The Mediterranean economy: ‘globalization’ at the end of the second millennium BCE, in Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina, eds. Dever, W. G. and Gitin, S.. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 3762.Google Scholar
Sherratt, S., 2005. ‘Ethnicities’ ‘ethnonyms’ and archaeological labels. Whose ideologies and whose identities?, in Archaeological Perspectives on the Transmission and Transformation of Culture in the Eastern Mediterranean, ed. Clarke, J.. Oxford: Oxbow, 2538.Google Scholar
Sherratt, S., 2013. The ceramic phenomenon of the ‘sea peoples’: an overview, in The Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples” in Text and Archaeology, eds. Killebrew, A. & Lehmann, G.. (Archaeology and Biblical Studies 15.) Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 619–44.Google Scholar
Sherratt, S., 2016. From “institutional” to “private”: traders, routes and commerce from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age, in Dynamics of Production in the Ancient Near East, ed. Garcia, J. C. M.. Oxford: Oxbow, 289302.Google Scholar
Silberman, N.A., 1998. The Sea Peoples, the Victorians and us: modern social ideology and changing archaeological interpretations of the Late Bronze Age collapse, in Mediterranean Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth to Tenth Centuries BCE, eds. Gitin, S., Mazar, A. & Stern, E.. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 268–75.Google Scholar
Singer, I., 2012. The Philistines in the north and the kingdom of Taita, in The Ancient Near East in the 12th–10th Centuries BCE: Culture and History, eds. Galil, G., Gilboa, A., Maeir, A.M. & Kahn, D.. (Alter Orient und Altes Testament 392.) Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 451–72.Google Scholar
Stager, L., 1995. The impact of the Sea Peoples in Canaan (1185–1050 BCE), in The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land, ed. Levy, T.E.. Leicester: Leicester University Press, 332–48.Google Scholar
Stern, E., 2000. The Sea Peoples in northern Israel, in The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, ed. Oren, E. D.. (University Museum Monograph 108. University Museum Symposium Series 11.) Philadelphia: The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 197212.Google Scholar
Stern, E., 2013. The Material Culture of the Northern Sea Peoples in Israel. (Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 5.) Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Stockhammer, P.W., 2018. Rethinking Philistia as a contact zone, in Tell It in Gath: Studies in the History and Archaeology of Israel. Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday, eds. Shai, Y., Chadwick, J. R., Hitchcock, L., Dagan, A., Mckinny, C. & Uziel, J.. (Ägypten und Altes Testament 90.) Münster: Zaphon, 375–84.Google Scholar
Stone, B.J., 1995. The Philistines and acculturation: culture change and ethnic continuity in the Iron Age. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 298, 732.Google Scholar
Strasser, T. G., Panagopoulou, E., Runnels, C.N., Murray, P. M., Thomspon, N., Karkanas, P., McCoy, F. T. & Wegmann, K. W., 2010. Stone Age seafaring in the Mediterranean: evidence from the Plakias region for Lower Palaeolithic and Mesolithic habitation of Crete. Hesperia 79, 145–90.Google Scholar
Strasser, T. G., Runnels, C. N., Wegmann, K. W., Panagopoulou, E., McCoy, F. T., Degregoria, C., Karkanas, P. & Thomspon, N., 2011. Dating Palaeolithic sites in southwestern Crete, Greece. Journal of Quaternary Science 26, 553–60.Google Scholar
Sweeney, D., & Yasur-Landau, A., 1999. Following the path of the Sea Persons: the women in the Medinet Habu reliefs. Tel Aviv 26, 116–45.Google Scholar
Sykes, N., Spriggs, M. & Evin, A., 2019. Beyond curse or blessing: the opportunities and challenges of aDNA analysis. World Archaeology 51, 503–16.Google Scholar
Tanasi, D., & Vella, N., 2014. Islands and mobility: exploring Bronze Age connectivity in the south-central Mediterranean, in The Cambridge Prehistory of the Bronze and Iron Age Mediterranean, eds. Knapp, A. B. & P. van Dommelen. New York: Cambridge University Press, 5773.Google Scholar
Trigger, B. G., 1968. Beyond History: The Methods of Prehistory. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Google Scholar
Tyerman, C., 2006. God’s War: A New History of the Crusades. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Ullinger, J., Sheridan, S., Hawkey, D., Turner-Walker, C. & Cooley, R., 2005. Bioarchaeological analysis of cultural transition in the southern Levant using dental nonmetric traits. American Journal of Physiological Anthropology 128, 466–76.Google Scholar
Uziel, J., 2007. The development process of Philistine material culture: assimilation, acculturation and everything in between. Levant 39, 165–73.Google Scholar
van den Bergh, G., Kaifu, Y., Kurniawan, I., Kono, R. T., Brumm, A., Setiyabudi, E., Aziz, F. and Morwood, M. J., 2016. Homo floresiensis-like fossils from the early Middle Pleistocene of Flores. Nature 534, 245–48.Google Scholar
van Dommelen, P., 2012. Colonialism and migration in the ancient Mediterranean. Annual Review of Anthropology 41, 393409.Google Scholar
van Dommelen, P., 2014. Moving on: archaeological perspectives on mobility and migration. World Archaeology 46, 477–83.Google Scholar
van Dommelen, P., 2018. Trading places? Sites of mobility and migration in the Iron Age West Mediterranean, in The Emporion in the Ancient Western Mediterranean: Trade and Colonial Encounters from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Period, eds. Gailledrat, E., Dietler, M. & Plana-Mallart, R.. Montpellier: Presses universitaires de la Méditerranée, 219–29.Google Scholar
van Dommelen, P., & Knapp, A. B. (eds.), 2010. Material Connections in the Ancient Mediterranean: Mobility, Materiality and Identity. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Van Oyen, A., 2017. Material culture and mobility: a brief history of archaeological thought, in Mobility and Pottery Production: Archaeological and Anthropological Perspectives, eds. Heitz, C. & Stapfer, R.. Leiden: Sidestone Press, 5365.Google Scholar
Vander Linden, M., 2007. What linked the Bell Beakers in third millennium BC Europe? Antiquity 81(312), 343–52.Google Scholar
Vander Linden, M., 2016. Population history in third-millennium-BC Europe: assessing the contribution of genetics. World Archaeology 48, 714–28.Google Scholar
Vanschoonwinkel, J., 1999. Between the Aegean and the Levant: the Philistines, in Ancient Greeks West and East, ed. Tsetskhladze, G. R.. Leiden: Brill, 85108.Google Scholar
Verduci, J., 2018. Metal Jewellery of the Southern Levant and Its Western Neighbours: Cross-Cultural Influences in the Early Iron Age Eastern Mediterranean. (Ancient Near Eastern Studies, Supplement 53.) Leuven: Peeters.Google Scholar
Verduci, J. (2019). A feather in your cap: symbols of “Philistine” warrior status?, in Fashioned Selves: Dress and Identity in Antiquity, ed. Cifarelli, M.. Oxford: Oxbow, 131–46.Google Scholar
Vernet Pons, M., 2012. The etymology of Goliath in the light of Carian PN WLJAT / WLIAT: a new proposal. Kadmos 51, 143–64.Google Scholar
Voskos, I., & Knapp, A. B., 2008. Cyprus at the end of the Late Bronze Age: crisis and colonization, or continuity and hybridization? American Journal of Archaeology 112, 659–84.Google Scholar
Wachsmann, S., 1998. Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant. College Station: Texas A&M University Press.Google Scholar
Wachsmann, S., 2008. Underwater survey, 1996–1997, in Ashkelon I. Introduction and Overview (1985–2006), eds. Stager, L. E., Schloen, J. D. & Master, D. M.. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 97100.Google Scholar
Wachsmann, S., 2013. The Gurob Ship-Cart Model and Its Mediterranean Context. College Station: Texas A&M University Press.Google Scholar
Weeden, M., 2013. After the Hittites: the kingdoms of Karkamish and Palistin in northern Syria. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56(2),120.Google Scholar
Weiberg, E., & Finné, M., 2018. Resilience and persistence of ancient societies in the face of climate change: a case study from Late Bronze Age Peloponnese. World Archaeology 50: 584602.Google Scholar
Welton, L., Harrison, T., Batiuk, S.D.Lipovitch, D., Lumb, D. & Roames, J. (9 authors), 2019. Shifting networks and community identity at Tell Tayinat in the Iron I (ca. 12th to mid 10th century B.C.E.). America Journal of Archaeology 123, 291333.Google Scholar
Woolf, G., 2016. Movers and stayers, in Migration and Mobility in the Early Roman Empire, eds. de Ligt, L. & Tacoma, L. E.. (Studies in Global Social History 23/7.) Leiden: Brill, 440–63.Google Scholar
Yahalom-Mack, N., 2019. Crucibles, tuyères, and bellows in a longue durée perspective: aspects of technological style. Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies 7, 6375.Google Scholar
Yasur-Landau, A., 2005. Old wine in new vessels: intercultural contact, innovation and Aegean, Canaanite and Philistine foodways. Tel Aviv 32, 168–91.Google Scholar
Yasur-Landau, A., 2010. The Philistines and Aegean Migration at the End of the Late Bronze Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Yasur-Landau, A., 2012a. The ‘feathered helmets’ of the Sea Peoples: joining the iconographic and archaeological evidence. Talanta 44, 2740.Google Scholar
Yasur-Landau, A., 2012b. The role of the Canaanite population in the Aegean migration to the southern Levant in the late second millennium BCE, in Materiality and Social Practice: Transformative Capacities of Intercultural Encounters, eds. Maran, J. & Stockhammer, P.. Oxford: Oxbow, 191–7.Google Scholar
Yasur-Landau, A., 2013. Chariots, spears and wagons: Anatolian and Aegean elements in the Medinet Habu land battle relief, in The Ancient Near East in the 12th to 10th Centuries BCE: Culture and History, eds. Galil, G., Gilboa, A., Maeir, A. M. & Kahn, D.. (Alter Orient und Altes Testament 392.) Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 549–68.Google Scholar
Yasur-Landau, A., 2018. Towards an archaeology of forced movement of the deep past, in An Archaeology of Forced Migration. Crisis-Induced Mobility and the Collapse of the 13th c. BCE Eastern Mediterranean, ed. Driessen, J.. Louvain: Presses universitaires de Louvain, 177–85.Google Scholar
Zuckerman, S., 2007. Anatomy of a destruction: crisis architecture, termination rituals and the fall of Canaanite Hazor. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 20, 332.Google Scholar
Zuckerman, S., 2008. Fit for a (not-quite-so-great) king: a faience lion-headed cup from Hazor. Levant 40, 115–25.Google Scholar
Zukerman, A., 2011. Titles of 7th century B.C.E. Philistine rulers and their historical-cultural background. Bibliotheca Orientalis 68, 465–71.Google Scholar

Save element to Kindle

To save this element to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Migration Myths and the End of the Bronze Age in the Eastern Mediterranean
Available formats
×

Save element to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Migration Myths and the End of the Bronze Age in the Eastern Mediterranean
Available formats
×

Save element to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Migration Myths and the End of the Bronze Age in the Eastern Mediterranean
Available formats
×