Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gvvz8 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-27T09:27:09.807Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Economic Consequences of Long-Distance Trade in East Africa: The Disease Factor*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 May 2014

Extract

Identification of the consequences of such a complex phenomenon as longdistance trade has engaged historians of east Africa most particularly since the publication of Reginald Coupland's East Africa and Its Invaders (1938) and The Exploitation of East Africa (1939). The more critically long-distance trade is examined, the more dimensions emerge which appear essential for an evaluation of its impact. Studies made in the 1960s examined political consequences of the trade within and among African societies, as well as those economic aspects which affected African rulers (Roberts, 1968; Gray and Birmingham, 1970). More recently there has been a desire to assess the economic consequences to the vast majority of east Africa's population-not just upon the rulers-during the nineteenth century (see Alpers, 1973). The direction of inquiry is certainly welcomed. It, in turn, will no doubt lead investigators to a number of social and religious issues heretofore unexamined; other significant effects of the trade will be identified and their impact at least partially assessed.

One such consequence worthy of consideration is the disease factor. At present we know precious little about the introduction of epidemic diseases into the east African interior during or before the nineteenth century. The most valuable single work available is Dr. James Christie's Cholera Epidemics in East Africa (1876). As a resident physician on Zanzibar, Christie observed and described the effects of cholera on various social and ethnic groups within Zanzibari society. He also endeavored to trace the relentless spread of four specific cholera epidemics from the Asian sub-continent into eastern Africa. Christie, however, was unable to provide precise information about African mortality from cholera within the interior, although impressionistic statements are cited. Given the east Africans' lack of immunity to cholera, there is every reason to assume that its effects were devastating on all people exposed to it (Curtin, 1968: 195). As Christie painstakingly described, cholera was inadvertently transmitted by traders seeking ivory along specific caravan routes through the interior of eastern Africa. Disease and long-distance trade thus became inextricably linked, with caravans serving as an effective mechanism for transmitting alien epidemic diseases as well as indigenous diseases.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 1975

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

This article has been adapted from a paper presented at the 17th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association in Chicago, 30 October-2 November 1974.

References

REFERENCES

Alpers, E. (1973) “Re-thinking African economic history.” Ufahamu, 3 (3): 97124.Google Scholar
Bahitwa, s/o Lugambage, . (n.d.) “Kerebe manuscripts from Nansio, Ukerewe.” University of Dar es Salaam Library (microfilm).Google Scholar
Burton, R.F. (1859) “The Lake Regions of central Equatorial Africa.” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 29: 1454.Google Scholar
Cartwright, F.F., with Biddiss, M.D.. (1972) Disease and History. New York: Crowell.Google Scholar
Chacker, E.A. (1968) “Early Arab and European contacts with Ukerewe.” Tanzania Notes and Records, 68: 7586.Google Scholar
Christie, J. (1876) Cholera Epidemics in East Africa. London: MacMillan.Google Scholar
Coupland, R. (1938) East Africa and Its Invaders, From the Earliest Times to the Death of Seyyid Said in 1856. Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
Coupland, R. (1939) The Exploitation of East Africa, 1856-1890: The Slave Trade and the Scramble. London: Faber and Faber.Google Scholar
Curtin, P.D. (1968) “Epidemiology and the slave trade.” Political Science Quarterly, 83 (2): 190216.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Good, C. (1972) “Salt, trade, and disease: aspects of development in Africa's northern Great Lakes region.” International Journal of African Historical Studies, V: 543–86.Google Scholar
Gray, R. and Birmingham, D. (eds.), (1970) Pre-Colonial African Trade: Essays on Trade in Central and Eastern Africa before 1900. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Hartwig, G.W. (1969) “The historical and social role of Kerebe music.” Tanzania Notes and Records, 70: 4156.Google Scholar
Hartwig, G.W. (1970) “The Victoria Nyanza as a trade route in the nineteenth century.” Journal of African History, XI (4): 535–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hartwig, G.W. (1971a) “Long-distance trade and the evolution of sorcery among the Kerebe.” African Historical Studies, IV (3): 505–24.Google Scholar
Hartwig, G.W. (1971b) “Oral traditions concerning the Early Iron Age in Northwestern Tanzania.” African Historical Studies, IV (1): 93114.Google Scholar
Hartwig, G.W. (1974) “Oral data and its historical function in East Africa.” International Journal of African Historical Studies, VII (3): 468–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hartwig, G.W. (1975) The Art of Survival in East Africa: The Kerebe and Long-Distance Trade, 1800-1895. New York: Africana Publishing Co.Google Scholar
Morris, K.R.S. (1963) “The movement of sleeping sickness across Central Africa.” Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, 66 (3): 5976.Google Scholar
Roberts, A. (ed.). (1968) Tanzania Before 1900. Nairobi: East African Publishing House.Google Scholar
Roberts, A. (ed.). (1969) “Political change in the nineteenth century.” Kimambo, I.N. and Temu, A.J. (eds.), A History of Tanzania. Nairobi: East African Publishing House.Google Scholar
Southon, E.J. (1880) “History, country, and people of the Unyamwezi District.” London: London Missionary Society Archives.Google Scholar
Stanley, H.M. (1899 ed.) How I Found Livingstone. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.Google Scholar
Wilson, C.T. and Felkin, R.W.. (1882) Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan. Vol. I. London: Marston, Searle, and Rivington.Google Scholar