Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-fbnjt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-10T14:39:00.508Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Fake News in the Sahel: “Afrancaux News,” French Counterterrorism, and the Logics of User-Generated Media

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 July 2022

Abstract

Studies of fake news have historically suffered from being primarily Western-centric and focusing on “news” emanating from formal media outlets. The Sahel has generated its own unique version of fake news, the authors refer to as Afrancaux News. Using nationwide public opinion surveys in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, open-source online forum ethnographic research, and postcolonial epistemological predispositions, the authors suggest that although other historical instantiations exist, the most prominent contemporary example of Afrancaux News can be seen in the fake news stories related to the French counterterrorism presence in the Sahel.

Résumé

Résumé

Les études sur les fausses nouvelles ont historiquement souffert d’être principalement centrées sur l’Occident et de se concentrer sur les « Nouvelles » émanant des médias officiels. Le Sahel a généré sa propre version des fausses nouvelles, que les auteurs appellent Afrancaux News. En utilisant des enquêtes d’opinion publique à l’échelle nationales au Burkina Faso, au Mali et au Niger, une recherche ethnographique sur les forums en ligne à source ouverte et des prédispositions épistémologiques postcoloniales, les auteurs suggèrent que, bien que d’autres instanciations historiques existent, l’exemple contemporain le plus important d’Afrancaux News peut être vu dans l’histoire des fausses nouvelles liées à la présence française de lutte contre-terrorisme dans le Sahel.

Resumo

Resumo

Ao longo dos tempos, os estudos sobre as fake news (falas notícias) têm sofrido de um viés centrado no Ocidente, com enfoque sobretudo em “notícias” provenientes de órgãos de comunicação formais. A região do Sahel criou a sua versão muito própria de fake news, que os autores do presente artigo denominaram “Afrancaux News”. Com recurso a inquéritos nacionais de opinião pública realizados no Burkina Faso, no Mali e no Níger, a fóruns de investigação etnográfica online e de acesso livre e às tendências epistemológicas pós-coloniais, os autores sugerem que, apesar de haver outras consubstanciações históricas, o exemplo contemporâneo mais evidente de “Afrancaux News” pode ser encontrado nas falsas notícias relacionadas com a presença do contraterrorismo francês na região do Sahel.

Type
Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the African Studies Association

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

AFP. 2020. “Senegalese children did not die from a coronavirus vaccine (which does not yet exist).” AFP Factcheck, April 10. Retrieved March 6, 2022, from https://factcheck.afp.com/senegalese-children-did-not-die-coronavirus-vaccine-which-does-not-yet-exist.Google Scholar
Africa Center for Strategic Studies. 2020. “African Militant Islamist Groups Expanding, Diversifying.” January 18.Google Scholar
Allcott, Hunt, and Gentzkow, Matthew. 2017. “Social Media and Fake News in the 2016 Election.” Journal of Economic Perspectives 31 (2): 211–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bach, Daniel. 2002. “International Relations Through the African Looking Glass”. unpublished manuscript.Google Scholar
Barotte, Nicolas. 2020. “Sur Facebook, la guerre secrète de l’armée française en Centrafrique.” Le Figaro. December 17.Google Scholar
BBC . 2017. “Mali Attack: Gunmen Kill Five at Tourist Resort.” June 19. Retrieved October 2, 2021, from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-40322039.Google Scholar
Bhaskaran, Harikrishnan, Mishra, Harsh, and Nair, Pradeep. 2019. “Journalism Education in Post-Truth Era: Pedagogical Approaches Based on Indian Journalism Students’ Perception of Fake News.” Journalism and Mass Communication Educator 74 (2): 158–70.Google Scholar
Bigot, Laurent. 2018. “Rétablir la vérité via le fact-checking: l’ambivalence des médias face aux fausses informations.” Le Temps des médias 1: 6276.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Capitant, Sylvie. 2008. “La radio en Afrique de l’Ouest, un « média carrefour » sous-estimé : L’exemple du Burkina Faso.” Réseaux 150 (4): 189217.Google Scholar
Celestam, Casimir. 2019. “Casimir Celestam on Twitter.” June 12. http://archive.fo/8UNDg.Google Scholar
Cevolini, Alberto. 2018. “What Is New in Fake News? The Disinhibition of Dissent in a Hyperconnected Society.” Sociologia e Politiche Sociali 21 (3): 7592.Google Scholar
Chafer, Tony, Cumming, Gordon D., and van der Velde, Roel. 2020. “France’s Interventions in Mali and the Sahel: A Historical Institutionalist Perspective.” Journal of Strategic Studies 43 (4): 482507.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chapleau, Philippe. 2019. “Au Sahel, les fake news se multiplient sur fond de rejet de la présence française.” Ouest-France. fr. December 16.Google Scholar
Corner, John. 2017. “Fake News, Post-Truth and Media–Political Change.” Media, Culture & Society 39 (7): 11001107.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
France 24 . 2019a. “Ces images ne montrent pas un conteneur d’armes envoyé par la France aux “Terroristes” au nord-Mali.” Les Observateurs - France 24, December 18. Retrieved on October 2, 2021, from https://observers.france24.com/fr/20191218-intox-armes-conteneurs-france-burkina-faso-terroristes-nord-mali-kidal.Google Scholar
France 24 . 2019b. “Des Images de l’armée Française “pillant l’or” Du mali ? ATTENTION INTOX!” Les Observateurs - France 24, April 15. Retrieved October 2, 2021, from https://observers.france24.com/fr/20190412-intox-images-armee-francaise-pillant-or-mali-centrafrique-hoax.Google Scholar
Fact, Ghana. 2021. “Who: No evidence that Hibiscus flower can help treat covid-19 and prostate cancer.” April 24. Retrieved October 2, 2021, from https://ghanafact.com/2021/04/who-no-evidence-that-hibiscus-flower-can-help-treat-covid-19-and-prostate-cancer/.Google Scholar
Grossman, Shelby, Bush, Daniel, and DiResta, Renee. 2019. “Evidence of Russia-Linked Influence Operations in Africa.” Stanford. October 29. https://fsi.stanford.edu/publication/evidence-russia-linked-influence-operations-africa.Google Scholar
Human Rights Watch. 2020. “Mali: Army, UN Fail to Stop Massacre.” March 18. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/03/18/mali-army-un-fail-stop-massacre.Google Scholar
Ibeh, Nnenna. 2017. “Customs Intercepts Another Container-Load of Arms in Lagos Port.” Legit.ng. May 23.Google Scholar
International Crisis Group. 2017. “The Social Roots of Jihadist Violence in Burkina Faso’s North.” October 12.Google Scholar
Afrique, Jeune. 2019. “Salif Keita, griot anti-Macron.” November 19. https://www.jeuneafrique.com/858791/politique/chronique-salif-keita-griot-anti-Google Scholar
Ladd, M. Jonathan. 2011. Why Americans Hate the News Media and How it Matters. Princeton: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lagneau, L. 2019. “Barkhane: Le Général Lecointre assure que la collision des deux hélicoptères n’a pas été causée par les jihadistes. Zone Militaire.” November. Retrieved on October 2, 2021, from http://www.opex360.com/2019/11/29/barkhane-le-general-lecointre-assure-que-la-collision-des-deux-helicopteres-na-pas-ete-causee-par-les-jihadistes/.Google Scholar
Le Cadre, Anne-Sophie Faivre. 2019a. “L’armée frappe une base au Niger ? Les autorités des deux pays démentent.” AFP. November 26.Google Scholar
Le Cadre, Anne-Sophie Faivre. 2019b. “Non, l’armée française n’a pas livré des motos à des jihadistes au Mali.” AFP. December 4.Google Scholar
Le Cadre, Anne-Sophie Faivre. 2019c. “Non, ces deux hommes ne sont pas des ‘terroristes.’”AFP. June 12.Google Scholar
Le Cadre, Anne-Sophie Faivre. 2019d. “Tour d’horizon des infox sur le crash d’hélicoptères au Mali.” AFP. November 28.Google Scholar
Levinger, Matthew. 2018 . Master narratives of disinformation campaigns. Journal of International Affairs. 125–34.Google Scholar
Lévrier, Alexis. 2018. “Les fausses morts du Roi-Soleil, ou l’impossible contrôle de l’information.” Le Temps des medias 1: 3246.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
L’Express . 2020. “‘Pigalle à bamako’: Entre la france et le mali, un incident diplomatique en trois actes.” Retrieved October 2, 2021, from https://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/monde/afrique/pigalle-a-bamako-entre-la-france-et-le-mali-un-incident-diplomatique-en-trois-actes_2119576.html.Google Scholar
Djigui, Mali. 2019. “Mali Djigui on Facebook.” November 23. https://perma.cc/RQ88-N8T5.Google Scholar
Martin, Guy. 1989. “Uranium: A Case Study in Franco-African Relations.” Journal of Modern African Studies 27 (4): 625–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Médard, Jean-François. 2002. “La politique est au bout du réseau. Questions sur la méthode Foccart.” Les Cahiers du Centre de Recherches Historiques 30.Google Scholar
Mingous, Gautier. 2018. Des stratégies de contournement de la désinformation par les élites lyonnaises au début des guerres de religion. Le Temps des Media 1 (30):1731.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Nehem, Majed. 2020. “France’s Flawed Strategy Breeds Security Threats in the Sahel.” Arab Weekly. January 19.Google Scholar
Nouri, Hussein. 2020. “Hussein Nouri on Twitter.” July 4. https://twitter.com/hisseinnouri/status/1279458623140347911.Google Scholar
Nsaibia, Héni, and Weiss, Caleb. 2020. “The End of the Sahelian Anomaly: How the Global Conflict between the Islamic State and al-Qa`ida Finally Came to West Africa.” CTC Sentinel 13: 7.Google Scholar
Nyamnjoh, Francis 2011. “De-Westernizing Media Theory to Make Room for African Experience.” In Popular Media, Democracy and Development in Africa, edited by Wasserman, H., 1931. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Obijiofor, Levi. 2011. “New Technologies as Tools of Empowerment: African Youth and Public Sphere Participation.” In Popular Media, Democracy and Development in Africa, edited by Wasserman, H., 208–19. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Otayek, Rene. 2017. “Assassinat de Thomas Sankara : enfin la vérité ?” Le Monde. December 13.Google Scholar
Ott, L. Brian, and Mack, Robert L.. 2014. Critical Media Studies: An Introduction. Hoboken, New Jersey: Wiley-Blackwell.Google Scholar
Ovoundaga Marcy, D. 2020. “Réseaux socionumériques et campagnes électorales au Gabon.” Sur Le Journalisme 9 (1): 154.Google Scholar
Pennycook, Gordon, and Rand, David G.. 2019. “Lazy, not biased: Susceptibility to partisan fake news is better explained by lack of reasoning than by motivated reasoning.” Cognition 188: 3950.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pezet, Jacques. 2019. “Non, la douane du Mali n’a pas démantelé un trafic d’or effectué par des militaires français sous les ordres de l’Elysée.” Libération.fr. September 10.Google Scholar
Pigeaud, Fanny, and Sylla, Ndongo Samba, 2020. Africa’s Last Colonial Currency: The CFA Franc Story. London: Pluto Press.Google Scholar
Reuters . 2020. “France says Mali Envoy is Spreading Fake News over Its Troops.” February 27. Retrieved October 2, 2021, from https://www.reuters.com/article/us-mali-security-france-idUSKCN20L242.Google Scholar
Reuters . 2021. “France Criticises Deal Bringing Russian Mercenaries into Mali.” September 15. Retrieved October 2, 2021, from https://www.reuters.com/world/france-criticises-deal-bringing-russian-mercenaries-into-mali-2021-09-14/.Google Scholar
RFI . 2019a. “Mali: le groupe EI affirme avoir provoqué la collision des hélicoptères français.” November 28.Google Scholar
Sahel 2r3s . 2020. “Les carnets du sahel - 2r3s.” September 23. Retrieved October 2, 2021, from https://sahel2r3s.medium.com/les-carnets-du-sahel-2r3s-55358db39f92.Google Scholar
Shome, Raka, and Hegde, Radha S.. 2002. “Postcolonial approaches to communication: charting the terrain, engaging the intersections.” Communication Theory 3 (2002): 249.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Talwar, Shalini, Dhir, Amandeep, Kaur, Puneet, Zafar, Nida, and Alrasheedy, Melfi. 2019. “Why Do People Share Fake News? Associations between the Dark Side of Social Media Use and Fake News Sharing Behavior.” Journal of Retailing and Consumer Services 51: 7282.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tandoc, Edson C. Jr, Lim, Zheng Wei, and Ling, Richard. 2018. “Defining “fake news” A typology of scholarly definitions.” Digital journalism 6, 137–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Taylor, Ian. 2019. “France à fric: the CFA Zone in Africa and Neocolonialism.” Third World Quarterly 40 (6): 1064–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tull, Denis. 2021. “Contesting France: Rumors, Intervention and the Politics of Truth in Mali.” Critique Internationale 90: 151–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Velluet, Quentin. 2020. “France/Russia: Propaganda war on Facebook targets Mali & the CAR.” The Africa Report. December 21. https://www.theafricareport.com/56013/france-russia-propaganda-war-on-facebook-targets-mali-the-car/Google Scholar
Vosoughi, Soroush, Roy, Deb, and Aral, Sinan. 2018. “The spread of true and false news online.” Science 359 (6380): 1146–51.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Walton, Douglas. 1997. “What is propaganda, and what exactly is wrong with it.” Public Affairs Quarterly 11: 383413.Google Scholar
Warner, Jason, Chapin, Ellen, and Weiss, Caleb. 2020. Desert Drift: Declining Deadliness: Understanding the Evolution of AQIM’s Suicide Bombings. West Point, NY: Combating Terrorism Center.Google Scholar
Wasserman, Herman. 2005. “Renaissance and Resistance: Using ICTs for Social Change in Africa.” African Studies 64 (2): 177–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wasserman, Herman. 2017. “Fake News from Africa: Panics, Politics and Paradigms.” Journalism 21 (1): 114.Google Scholar
Whitehouse, Bruce. 2020. “Bridges from Bamako: In Search of Mali’s Russia Connection.” September 9. https://bridgesfrombamako.com/2020/09/09/in-search-of-malis-russia-connection/.Google Scholar
The New Humanitarian. 2020. “Sahelian Security Forces Accused of Hundreds of Extrajudicial Killings.” May 5. https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2020/05/05/Sahel-Mali-Niger-Burkina-Faso-security-forces-killings.Google Scholar