Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
1 Rosenheim made this point in the version of this paper he read to the American Historical Association in December 1992.
2 Beattie, J. M., Crime and the Courts in England, 1660–1800 (Oxford, 1986), pp. 202, 214Google Scholar.
3 Sharpe, J. A., Crime in Seventeenth-Century England: A County Study (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 189, 193, 199–200Google Scholar.
4 Shoemaker, Robert B., Prosecution and Punishment: Petty Crime and the Law in London and Rural Middlesex, c. 1660–1725 (Cambridge, 1991), p. 63Google Scholar.
5 So too, of course, did most nonconforming ministers, but they rejected the Book of Common Prayer, which some of their followers treated with blatant disrespect.
6 Intelligencer 31 (18 April 1664)Google Scholar. Cf. Public Record Office, State Papers 29/97/32.1 (henceforth cited as PRO SP) for a funeral incident in Coventry.
7 Matthews, A. G., Calamy Revised (Oxford, 1934), s.v.Google Scholar; Brockett, Allan, Nonconformity in Exeter 1650–1875 (Manchester, 1962), p. 22Google Scholar.
8 PRO SP 29/86/87.
9 Kingdomes Intelligencer 40 (29 September-6 October 1662)Google Scholar.
10 PRO SP 29/47/39.
11 PRO SP 29/82/102.
12 PRO SP 29/86/18; 29/91/90.
13 PRO SP 29/86/18.1.
14 PRO SP 29/61/122.
15 PRO SP 29/88/28.
16 PRO SP 29/54/75.
17 PRO SP 29/93/8.
18 Intelligencer 57 (18 July 1664)Google Scholar; PRO SP 29/99/7.
19 PRO SP 29/93/3; 29/101/102; 29/121/38.
20 PRO SP 29/99/9.
21 PRO SP 29/137/97.
22 Greaves, Richard L., Secrets of the Kingdom: British Radicals from the Popish Plot to the Revolution of 1688–1689 (Stanford, Calif., 1992), p. 137Google Scholar.
23 PRO SP 29/100/107.
24 [Lobb, Stephen], The True Dissenter (1685), pp. 134–41Google Scholar; [Care, George], Liberty of Conscience Asserted and Vindicated (London, 1689), pp. 22–24Google Scholar; Heads of Agreement Assented to by the United Ministers in and about London (London, 1691)Google Scholar; Calamy, Edmund III, Memoirs of the Life of the Late Revd Mr. John Howe (London, 1724), pp. 70, 180–82Google Scholar. On the eve of his execution in 1683, William Lord Russell bemoaned the divisions among English Protestants: “I wish… all our unhappy Differences were removed, and that all sincere Protestants would so far consider the Danger of Popery, as to lay aside their Heats, and agree against the Common Enemy; and that the Churchmen would be less severe, and the Dissenters less scrupulous.” The Last Speech & Behaviour of William Late Lord Russel (London, 1683), p. 2Google Scholar.
25 Scott, Jonathan, Algernon Sidney and the Restoration Crisis, 1677–1683 (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 13–14, 23–25, 47–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
26 Depositions from the Castle of York, Relating to Offences Committed in the Northern Counties in the Seventeenth Century, ed. Raine, J. (Surtees Society, vol. 40, 1861), p. 83Google Scholar.
27 Calamy, Edmund I, Eli Trembling for Fear of the Ark (Oxford, 1663), p. 12Google Scholar.
28 PRO SP 29/63/72; 29/64/18, 19; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic 1661–62, p. 572.
29 Greaves, , Deliver Us from Evil: The Radical Underground in Britain, 1660–1663 (New York, 1986), pp. 50, 121, 178–79Google Scholar.
30 A Tory Plot (London, 1682), sig. A2rGoogle Scholar.
31 Scott, David, “Politics and Government in York, 1640–1642,” in Town and Countryside in the English Revolution, ed. Richardson, R. C. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), p. 47Google Scholar. Similarly, Barry Coward traces at least one strand (toleration of Protestant dissent) of “Whiggism” and “Toryism” to “the divergent experiences of the gentry during the English Revolution.” Coward, “The Experience of the Gentry, 1640–1660,” in ibid., p. 199.
32 To argue that political parties emerged in the late Stuart period is not to aver that they had an unbroken history down to modem times. Most specialists believe the Tory party ceased to exist at some point between 1757 and 1766; its revival is dated anywhere from the 1780s to the early 1830s. See, e.g., Sack, James J., From Jacobite to Conservative: Reaction and Orthodoxy in Britain, c. 1760–1832 (Cambridge, 1993), ch. 3Google Scholar and the Conclusion.
33 For London: PRO SP 29/32/103, 104, 105, 113, 125, 127; Ludlow, Edmund, A Voyce from the Watch Tower, Part Five: 1660–1662, ed. Worden, A. Blair (Camden Society, Fourth Series, vol. 21, 1978), p. 285Google Scholar. For Southwark: Historical Manuscripts Commission 4, Fifth Report, Appendix, Part I, p. 181; British Library, Egerton MSS 2543, fols. 35r, 36r.
34 PRO SP 29/230/83; 29/233/50; 29/250/96, 157; 29/287/117.
35 PRO SP 29/224/77; 29/225/39; 29/233/50.
36 SP 29/235/86; 29/250/96.
37 See also Greaves, , Enemies Under His Feet: Radicals and Nonconformists in Britain, 1664–1677 (Stanford, Calif., 1990), pp. 150, 162, 226, 227Google Scholar.
38 PRO SP29/278/123, 144, 204; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic 1670, p. 431.
39 PRO SP 29/292/6.
40 PRO SP 29/292/29.
41 PRO SP 29/292/131.
42 PRO SP 29/293/149.
43 PRO SP 29/292/198; 29/294/85.
44 PRO SP 29/294/85. For hints of similar developments elsewhere, see (for Dover) PRO SP 29/280/98; 29/293/183; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic 1670, p. 431; (for Canterbury) SP 29/369/214; (for Cumberland) SP 29/230/67; (for Oxford) 29/247/39.
45 British Library, Additional Manuscripts 41,811, fol. 189r (hereafter cited as Add. MSS).
46 Add. MSS 41,811, fols. 226v–227r, cf. ibid., fol. 226r; 41,809, fol. HOv; 41,817, fol. 85r. Thomas Chudleigh referred to the Whig exiles at this point as “the Faction” as well as “the Party.” Ibid., 41,809, fol. 112r–v; 41,810, fol. 236r–v.
47 PRO SP 29/434/64.
48 John Rylands Library, Legh of Lyme MSS, Shakerley to Legh, 16 May 1684. The level of intensity could be extreme, as reflected in the reported statement of a Whig who “hope[d] to live to see all the damned Tories hanged & confounded, I mortally hate them all (PRO SP 29/435/147).
49 Greaves, Secrets of the Kingdom, chs. 7, 8 and Appendices B and C.
50 Essex supported exclusion in the second Parliament of 1679. For his role in the discussion by Monmouth's inner circle of a proposed insurrection to compel Charles to endorse exclusion, Essex went to the Tower in 1683. Sunderland and James probably masterminded his assassination at the hands of John Holland (Sunderland's servant) and Major Webster, and the largely successful effort to disguise it as suicide (Greaves, , Secrets of the Kingdom, pp. 219–29Google Scholar).