Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
The women's suffrage movement in Great Britain has suffered from the misconception that it was through the urgings, exertions, and sacrifices of women exclusively prior to 1918 that the vote was finally achieved. Such writers as the Pankhursts and Millicent Garrett Fawcett, who were also participants in the struggle, have set the tone of historical interpretation by describing their success in such titular terms as My Own Story,…The Story of How We Won the Vote, and Women's Victory…, a lead dutifully followed by others who have written since the passage of the Reform Bill. Almost without exception these accounts, which include Roger Fulford's Votes For Women, stress the more exciting prewar aspects of the story, thereby conveying the mistaken impression that the conferral of the suffrage was the natural consequence of feminist agitation. Those more enlightened authors who recognize the adverse effect which the militant suffragists had on their own cause and the absence of any kind of solicitation during the war have subscribed to the equally misleading explanation that it was women's participation in the war which won the vote. Such is the perspective gained from reading Monstrous Regiment by David Mitchell. A close examination of the politics of the reform question, an approach heretofore eschewed by nearly every writer of the period, reveals that the extension of the suffrage to women did not “just happen” as a result of the manifold conversions in political and public spheres, for whatever reason. Indeed the question of giving women the vote would never have arisen during the war had Parliament not been confronted with the urgency of granting the vote to soldiers and sailors on active duty.
1 Unfortunately the two most recent additions to the bibliography of women's suffrage deviate little from this pattern. Rise Up, Women! (London, 1975)Google Scholar by Andrew Rosen, though excellent, is limited to an examination of the Women's Social and Political Union before the war. The coverage provided by Morgan, David in Suffragists and Liberals (Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar is more comprehensive, but by the author's own admission is focused on the suffrage campaign “as it entered its climacteric phase and failed.” (p. 1) The period during the war is treated as something of an afterthought and in a discursive and not totally reliable manner. Surely some more definitive cause can be ascertained for the suffragist victory than Morgan's conclusion that “it was political force which triumphed in the changed curcumstances of the war.” (p. 155).
2 Rover, Constance, Women's Suffrage and Party Politics in Britain, 1866-1914 (London, 1967), pp. 180–81.Google Scholar
3 Metcalfe, Agnes E., Woman's Effort (Oxford, 1917), p. 183.Google Scholar
4 See Hammond, J. L., C. P. Scott of the Manchester Guardian (London, 1934), p. 114Google Scholar, and the Daily Telegraph, January 22, 1913, p. 11.Google Scholar
5 Parliamentary Debates, Commons, XLVII (January 27, 1913): 1020–21.Google Scholar
6 Asquith Papers, 7/7. Cited in Jenkins, Roy, Asquith, Portrait of a Man and an Era (New York, 1964), p. 249.Google Scholar
7 Ullswater, Viscount, A Speaker's Commentaries (London, 1925), II:137.Google Scholar
8 5 Parl. Debs., Lords XVI (May 5, 1914), 39.Google Scholar
9 Fawcett, Millicerit Garrett, Women's Victory and After (London, 1920), p. 51.Google Scholar
10 5 Parl. Debs,. Commons, LII (May 1, 1913): 1705.Google Scholar
11 Ibid,. 1519.
12 Ibid,. Lords, XIV (July 24, 1913): 1382.
13 Metcalfe, , Woman's Effort, p. 241.Google Scholar
14 Kenney, Annie, Memories of a Militant (London, 1924), p. 220.Google Scholar
15 The Times, March 11, 1914, p. 9Google Scholar. Sylvia Pankhurst, the second daughter of Emmeline, estimated that militant destruction in the first seven months of 1914 exceeded that for the entire previous year. The damage done to the Rokeby Velasquez alone was £45,000. Pankhurst, E. Sylvia, The Suffragette Movement (London, 1931), p. 544.Google Scholar
16 Pankhurst, Christabel, Unshackled: The Story of How We Won the Vote (London, 1959), p. 269.Google Scholar
17 Andrews, Irene Osgood and Hobbs, Margaret A., Economic Effects of the War Upon Women and Children in Great Britain (New York, 1918), p. 30.Google Scholar
18 The actual number on this register was 8,357,648. The Times, February 22, 1915, p. 5.Google Scholar
19 Scott to Sharp, July 28, 1915, in Sharp, Evelyn, Unfinished Adventure (London, 1933), p. 168.Google Scholar
20 5 Parl. Debs., Commons, LXXVI (December 14, 1915): 1983.Google Scholar
21 Andrews, & Hobbs, , Economic Effects of the War, p. 35.Google Scholar
22 5 Parl. Debs., Commons, LXXXI (April 4, 1916): 1032.Google Scholar
23 Fawcett, , Women's Victory & After, p. 113.Google Scholar
24 The Times, March 8, 1916, p. 7.Google Scholar
25 Fawcett, , Women's Victory & After, p. 127.Google Scholar
26 Parl. Deb., Commons, LXXXIV (July 12, 1916): 344–45Google Scholar. The “select committee” was the suggestion of Balfour in a memorandum dated June 2. “Proposed Registration Bill,” June 2, 1916, Cabinet Memoranda, Public Record Office, CAB 37/149.
27 5 Parl. Debs., Commons, LXXXIV (July 19, 1916): 1046–47.Google Scholar
28 The Times, August 8, 1916, p. 7.Google Scholar
29 5 Parl. Debs., Commons, LXXXV (August 15, 1916): 1910.Google Scholar
30 Ibid., 1949.
31 Ibid., LXXXVI (August 21, 1916), 2266.
32 Long to Asquith, August 18, 1916, Asquith Papers, Bodleian Library, Oxford, 17/48.
33 The Times, August 22, 1916, p. 7.Google Scholar
34 D. D. to Asquith, September 18, 1916, Asquith Papers, 17/87.
35 Ullswater, , Commentaries, 1:198.Google Scholar
36 Nation, XX (October 14, 1916): 66–67.Google Scholar
37 Diary, October 12, 1916, White, Hope C., Willoughby Hyett Dickinson, 1859-1943 (Gloucester, 1956), p. 142.Google Scholar
38 Fawcett, , Women's Victory & After, p. 117.Google Scholar
39 Ibid., p. 132.
40 Current History Magazine, V (December, 1916):423.Google Scholar
41 Specraror, CXVII (August 5, 1916): 152.Google Scholar
42 Long, W. H., “Special Register Bill,” October 5, 1916Google Scholar, Lloyd George Papers, House of Lords Record Office, E/9/1/15.
43 5 Parl. Debs., Commons, LXXXVI (November 1, 1916): 1750–52.Google Scholar
44 Daily Telegraph, November 2, 1916, p. 9.Google Scholar
45 Diary, November 1, 1916, White, , Willoughby Hyett Dickinson, p. 142.Google Scholar
46 5 Parl. Debs., Lords, XXIII (November 7, 1916): 400–1.Google Scholar
47 Ibid., 780.
48 Ullswater, , Commentaries, II:197–98.Google Scholar
49 Salisbury, Banbury, and Craig to Lowther, December 13, 1916, Lloyd George Papers, F/46/12/1.
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51 George, David Lloyd, War Memoirs of David Lloyd George (London, 1933), IV: 207.Google Scholar
52 Lowther to Lloyd George, December 22, 1916, Lloyd George Papers, F/46/12/2. The best general account of the Speaker's conference was written by Dickinson, W. H. for Seager's, J. RenwickReform Act of 1918 (London, 1918), pp. 7–23Google Scholar. Also see Dickinson's, account in the Contemporary Review, CXIII (March, 1918): 241–49Google Scholar, or that by Aneurin Williams, another conference member, in the Contemporary Review, CXII (July, 1917): 14–19.Google Scholar
53 Lowther to Lloyd George, December 14, 1916, Lloyd George Papers, F/46/12/1. The inclusion of this innovation was largely the doing of the Speaker, a recent convert on the subject. Though it was destined to fail, its adoption by the conference illustrates the powerful influence of the Speaker on the decisions which were reached. Ullswater, , Commentaries, II: 205.Google Scholar
54 The Common Cause, January 5, 1917, p. 509.Google Scholar
55 Craig, however, was a suffragist. His youngist son, Dennis, wrote to me, “as regards the Speaker's Conference on Electoral Reform, my father was one of the few Tory MP's who was pro votes for women, hence his inclusion among the ‘Blest’ and not the ‘Blast’ by Wyndham Lewis in the 1st number of ‘Blast.’” Craig to Fair, February 14, 1969.
56 Diary, January 10, 1917, White, , Willoughby Hyett Dickinson, p. 143.Google Scholar
57 I found this amidst some press cuttings of Sir William Bull which were deposited by his son, George, in the Hammersmith Public Library, S. W. 6. The disclosure of the compromise in the Englishwoman, March 1918, pp. 184–90Google Scholar is remarkable because the proceedings of the conference, especially at this time, were regarded as absolutely confidential.
58 Letter from Mr. Speaker to the Prime Minister, Conference on Electoral Reform, Parliamentary Papers, 1917–1918, XXV.Google Scholar
59 The Times, February 1, 1917, p. 8.Google Scholar
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62 Carson to Lloyd George, March 8, 1917, Lloyd George Papers, F/6/2/19.
63 Diary, February 26—March 1, 1917, C. P. Scott Papers, British Museum, Add. MSS 50903.
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66 The Times, March 30, 1917, p. 3.Google Scholar
67 5 Parl. Debs., Commons, XCIV (June 19, 1917): 1673.Google Scholar
68 Ibid., 1718.
69 Diary, April 3, 1917, Wilson, Trevor, ed., The Political Diaries of C. P. Scott, 1911-1928 (Ithaca, 1970), p. 274Google Scholar. It is interesting to contrast Lloyd George's position on proportional representation here with that which he later assumed as head of a truncated Liberal Party trying to regain power. The Times, June 14, 1929, p. 9.Google Scholar
70 Ullswater, , Commentaries, II: 206.Google Scholar
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73 Letter from Mr. Speaker to the Prime Minister, “Conference on Redistribution of Seats in Ireland,” Parliamentary Papers, 1917-18, XXV.