Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2017
What is “protest”? Who is a protester and who is not? This is a problem that has bothered me ever since I began, about ten years ago, to try to sort out the social and political protesters from the rest of the convicts transported to Australia from the late 18th century to the 1860s. To some this is no particular problem at all. Criminologists and writers on crime and punishment - such as Leon Radzinowicz, J. J. Tobias and Nigel Walker (to cite the most recent) - have tended to place protest, when they have dealth with it at all, under such omnibus labels as crimes against property and crimes against persons. Others have eluded such refinements altogether and have argued that if protest is a social phenomenon, so is crime, and how can one sensibly draw a distinction between the rebel against society and the man whom society drives, or appears to drive, to crime? So it has been claimed that all convicts, whether they were transported or hot, were the victims of a society that left them out in the cold; and there is some justice in the claim (was it made by the Hammonds?) that in a society like Britain's in the early nineteenth century there was a large measure of culpability in common between the cattle-maimer or urban thief and the magistrate or High Court judge who sent them to a penitentiary at home or to the convict-jails of Van Diemen's Land or Sydney Cove.
Read before the joint session of the Conference on British Studies and the American Historical Association, New Orleans, December 28, 1972.
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4 For the little I know of Scottish protest I am indebted to my former student, Mr. Peter Holt, of the University of Stirling, Scotland, and to Dr. Eric Richards, now of the Flinders University, South Australia.
5 I am obliged to Mr. J. D. Storch of the History Department, the University of Wisconsin at Janesville, for allowing me to refer to his unpublished paper “The Plague of the Blue Locusts, Anti-Police Riots and Popular Resistance in Early Victorian England,” of which he kindly sent me a copy.
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10 In “The Growth of Cities and Popular Revolt, 1750-1850; with Particular Reference to Paris,” in French Government and Society, J. H. Bosher, ed., (London, 1973).
11 Figures from Hoyle, pp. 14,25.
12 Figures in Columns (1) - (2) and (4) from Hoyle, pp. 25, 29, 37, 41, 47.
13 Hoyle, pp. 43, 53-4. These figures-and others cited in this paper-may well require to he amended in (he light of the new evidence brought forward by Gatrell, V.A.C. and Hadden, T.B. in their “Criminal Statistics and their Interpretation,” in Wrigley, K.A., ed., Nineteenth-Century Society (Cambridge, England, 1972), pp. 336-96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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30 Radzinowicz, IV:320.
31 See also Hoyle, p. 56.