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Robert of Meulan and Raison d'État in the Anglo-Norman State, 1093–1118*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Sally N. Vaughn
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Extract

In 1097, King William Rufus of England was engaged in a campaign to conquer the county of Maine. When he succeeded in capturing Count Elias of Maine, the count begged Rufus to allow him to serve the Anglo-Norman king as count of Maine, and to participate in his inner council. Moved by his chivalrous instincts, Rufus agreed. But the king's chief advisor, Count Robert of Meulan, counselled that to admit a conquered enemy to one's innermost council only invited perfidy and rebellion, and gave him means to do greater injury. Rufus immediately changed his mind and assumed the governance of Maine himself.

Orderic Vitalis reports this event with some ambiguity, approving of the wisdom of Robert's advice, but mourning Rufus's abandonment of traditional chivalrous behavior. He attributes to Count Robert motives of preserving his own position as chief advisor to the king, rather than notions of service or loyalty. Such motives of self-interest would be consistent with traditional baronial practices. But the advice was sensible and practical, and clearly to the king's advantage in an objective, political sense, despite Orderic's fondness for Count Elias. It is an early example of a change taking place in Anglo-Norman politics—a change of which Robert of Meulan appears to have been the architect.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 10 , Issue 4 , Winter 1978 , pp. 352 - 373
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1978

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Footnotes

*

A shorter version of this paper was presented to the Twelfth Conference on Medieval Studies at the Medieval Institute, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan, in May 1977. I would like to thank Professor C. Warren Hollister for helpful comments and suggestions in its preparation, and the Regents of the University of California for enabling me to complete this research.

References

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5 Ibid.

6 Houth, Emile, “Robert Prud'homme, Comte de Meulan et de Leicestre (8 Avril 1081-5-Juin 1118),” Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu' à 1610) du Comite des Tranvaux Historique, vol. 1963, pt. 2 (Paris, 1966):801–829Google Scholar; and Kealey, Edward J., Roger of Salisbury, Viceroy of England (Berkeley, 1972)Google Scholar.

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12 His first attestation as count of Meulan, is Regesta, 2:no. 143Google Scholar, dated by the editors either December 25, 1080, or 1081. But Robert was at the French court, witnessing a charter of Philip I as Robert of Meulan, on January 6, 1082 (Prou, M., Receuil des Actes de Philippe Ier, Roi de France [Paris, 1908], p. 27)Google Scholar. Thus the earlier date is more likely, as Robert would probably have remained at the Christmas court in England in 1080, and have spent the 1081-1082 Christmas season at the French court. where he probably did homage to Philip I and acknowledged it by witnessing the cited charter.

13 White, G.H., “Robert de Beaumont and the Comté of Meulan,” Geneologist, new series, 36 (1931):173–78Google Scholar. White's thesis is strengthened by a comment by Orderic Vitalis, which White doesn't mention, that Robert's mother Adeline presented gifts to the abbey of St. Evroul at some time in 1081 after Queen Matilda had donated gifts in that year (Vitalis, Orderic, Ecclesiastical History, ed. Chibnall, , 3:238–241.Google Scholar) Thus Robert's mother was alive after Robert inherited the county, and Roger of Beaumont was never count of Meulan. White was also unaware of the French charter cited in note 12.

14 Regesta 1, passim.

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17 De Libertate Beccensis Monasterii, in Annales Ordinis: Sancti Benedicti, V, ed. Mabillon, J. (Paris, 1745), pp. 601–02Google Scholar. Robert had tried to convince Anselm to do homage to him for the abbey of Bec, situated near Robert's castle of Brionne in Normandy. The account shows Curthose's vacillation over the matter, and Robert's intimate acquaintance with the ducal court.

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22 Ibid.

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27 Fliche, A. (Le Regne de Philippe Ier, Roi de France [Paris, 1914], pp. 297–301)Google Scholar contends that both episodes were in fact different versions of the negotiations of 1091, the latter dated wrongly, because by 109S-96 Philip was preoccupied with his liason with Bertrade. But considering Philip's continuing interest in Norman politics throughout Duke William's reign and his intervention in the Norman civil wars of Rufus and Curthose, his inclinations and his interests would be to attempt to influence the actions of one of his most important vassals. Robert's marriage may represent just such an attempt, and Fliche does not consider it.

28 Ivo of Chartres, Opera Omnia, in Patrologia Latina, ed. Migne, J.P., (Paris, 1844–1864). Vol. 162, Epistle 143Google Scholar.

29 Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, 4:20, 21, 39, 44, 37, and 38Google Scholar. William lost the Vexin and Maine to Philip in 1077.

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34 Luchaire, , Louis le Gros, pp. xvi and xxGoogle Scholar; and Regesta 2:no. 414a. Robert attested a charter at Westminster dated May 29, 1099. Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, 4:87 and 91, and 6:159Google Scholar.

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37 Regesta 2:no. 501, the first of Henry's charters witnessed by Robert.

38 Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, 4:98Google Scholar.

39 Ibid., 4:195-96.

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41 Ibid., 4:113-14. Et Quia plus privatae quam publicae commoditati insistebant.

42 See Orderic's version of Henry's speeches justifying his conquest of Normandy from Robert Curthose in 1105-06, portraying the king as God's steward of his father's patrimony, the keeper of the peace, and the protector of the church. Ibid., 4:227-228 and 399-402. See also Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis, ed. Thorpe, Benjamin, Roll Series, 2 vols. (London, 1848–1849), 2:46–47Google Scholar, for a suggestion of these ideas in Henry's coronation charter; and William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, 2:476Google Scholar, implying similar conceptions after the conquest of Normandy in 1106.

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44 Ibid., pp. 68-69.

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48 Hollister, C. Warren, “The Anglo-Norman Civil War: 1101,” English Historical Review, vol. 88 (April, 1973):321–22Google Scholar.

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57 Eadmer, , Historia Novorum, pp. 170–71Google Scholar. See also Vaughn, Sally N., “St. Anselm and the English Investiture Controversy Reconsidered,” Journal of Medieval History (forthcoming, March 1980.)CrossRefGoogle Scholar

58 Ivo of Chartres, Ep. 154.

59 Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, 4:206–09Google Scholar.

60 Vaughn, “St. Anselm and the English Investiture Controversy Reconsidered.”

61 Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, 4:225 and 229Google Scholar.

62 See Vaughn, Sally, “St. Anselm of Canterbury: The Philosopher-Saint as Politician,” Journal of Medieval History, 1 (October 1975):279–305CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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66 St. Anselm, epistle 467.

67 Suger, , Vie de Louis le Gros, ed. Waquet, Henri (Paris, 1964), 104–105, 110–112Google Scholar.

67 Suger, , Vie de Louis le Gros, ed. Waquet, Henri (Paris, 1964), 104–105, 110–112Google Scholar. Luchaire, , Louis VI le Gros, pp. 38–40Google Scholar, mistakenly reports two attacks when only one occurred, in 1111.

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72 Ibid., p. 59; and Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, pp. 239-40.

73 Regesta 2:nos. 1124-1127, all dated February 1116, are his last attestations.

74 Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, pp. 239-40.

75 Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, 4:313Google Scholar.

76 Vaughn, “St. Anselm of Canterbury: the Philosopher-Saint as Politician.”

77 Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, 4:50Google Scholar.