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Scoto-Norse Kings and the Reformed Religious Orders: Patterns of Monastic Patronage in Twelfth-Century Galloway and Argyll*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Andrew McDonald
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Extract

Raoul Glaber, the Burgundian monk and chronicler, noted in a famous passage in his Historiarum Libri Quinque how, about the year 1000,

throughout the whole world, but most especially in Italy and Gaul, men began to reconstruct churches….It was as if the whole world were shaking itself free, shrugging off the burden of the past, and cladding itself everywhere in a white mantle of churches.

Although Glaber was writing primarily of the Continent, the tide of religious revival that followed the coming of the millennium eventually lapped upon the shores of the most distant corners of Europe. In Scotland, the great age of church-building came a century later, and it was the twelfth century, rather than the eleventh, which was notable for the foundation of churches and monasteries on a large scale. Nevertheless, by 1200 Scotland, too, had been cloaked in a white mantle of new churches, made up of cathedrals, parish churches, and monasteries. It is the latter with which this essay will be principally concerned.

The works of Professor Barrow are of the first importance for understanding the patterns of monastic patronage that brought the Benedictines, Cistercians, Augustinians, Premonstratensians, and other religious orders to Scottish soil, and for the contribution these orders made to the medieval kingdom of Scotland.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 27 , Issue 2 , Summer 1995 , pp. 187 - 219
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1995

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Footnotes

*

This paper was first presented at the 28th International Congress on Medieval Studies at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo, Michigan, in 1993. It has benefitted from the encouragement of Dr. Keith Stringer and the advice of Dr. Brendan Smith, who saved me from a number of errors.

References

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3 Barrow, G. W. S., Kingship and Unity: Scotland 1000–1306 (Edinburgh, 1984), pp. 77–82Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Kingship and Unity] devotes more attention to non-royal patronage than did his essays in Kingdom. Burton, Janet, Monastic and Religious Orders in Britain 1000–1300 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 34–35, 53–54, 71–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar [hereafter cited as Monastic and Religious Orders], still focuses primarily on royal patronage when considering the importation of these orders to Scotland.

4 See Coulton, G. G., Scottish Abbeys and Social Life (Cambridge, 1933), pp. 62–63Google Scholar.

5 On this trend see: Oram, R., “Fergus, Galloway and the Scots,” in Galloway: Land and Lordship, ed. Oram, R. and Stell, G.P. (Edinburgh, 1991), pp. 117–30Google Scholar; Oram, R., “A Family Business? Colonization and Settlement in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Galloway,” Scottish Historical Review 72 (1993): 111–145CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brooke, D., Fergus the King (Whithom, 1991)Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Fergus]; Stringer, K. J., “Periphery and Core in Thirteenth-Century Scotland: Alan son of Roland, Lord of Galloway and Constable of Scotland,” in Medieval Scotland: Crown, Lordship and Community, eds. Grant, A. and Stringer, K. J. (Edinburgh, 1993), pp. 82–113Google Scholar; McDonald, R. A. and McLean, S. A., “Somerled of Argyll: A New Look at Old Problems,” Scottish Historical Review 71 (1992): 3–22Google Scholar. Bartlett, R., The Making of Europe. Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change 950–1350 (Princeton, 1993)Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Making of Europe] examines core and periphery in a broader European context.

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10 E.g., Ferguson, J., “Notes on Dryburgh Abbey and Some of Its Associations,” History of the Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club 24 (1922): 413–22Google Scholar; see also Barrow, , Kingship and Unity, pp. 79–80Google Scholar. An exception is Stringer, K. J., “The Early Lords of Lauderdale, Dryburgh Abbey and St. Andrew's Priory at Northampton,” in Essays on the Nobility of Medieval Scotland, ed. Stringer, K. J. (Edinburgh, 1985), pp. 44–71Google Scholar.

11 The comments of Ross, A., “Some Notes on the Religious Orders in Pre-Reformation Scotland,” in Essays on the Scottish Reformation, ed. McRoberts, D. (Glasgow, 1962), pp. 185–87Google Scholar, are particularly relevant here.

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14 St. Bernard of Clairvaux, St. Bernard of Clairvaux's Life of St. Malachy of Armagh, ed. and trans. Lawlor, H. J. (New York and London, 1920)Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Life of Malachy]; Daniel, Walter, Vita Ailredi Abbatis Rievall’, ed. Powicke, F. M. (London, 1950)Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Vita Ailredi].

15 John of Fordun, Johannis de Fordun Chronica Gentis Scotorum, ed. Skene, W. F. (Historians of Scotland vol. 1, Edinburgh, 1872)Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Chron. Fordun]; Joannis de Fordun Scotichronicon: Cum Supplementis Et Continuatione Walteri Boweri, ed. Goodall, W. (Edinburgh, 1759)Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Scotichronicon]. On Fordun and Bower as sources see Webster, , Eleventh Century to 1603, pp. 44–47 and 49–51Google Scholar.

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17 The Dictionary of National Biography, eds. SirStephen, L. and SirLee, S. (Oxford, 1921–1922), 18: 823–24Google Scholar (Spottiswoode), and 5: 785–90 (Dempster) [hereafter cited as DNB].

18 Thompson, S., Women Religious: The Founding of English Nunneries After the Conquest (Oxford, 1991), p. 9Google Scholar.

19 On the problems of dating a religious house bastd upon a foundation charter see Galbraith, V. H., “Monastic Foundation Charters of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” Cambridge Historical Journal 4, 3 (1934): 5–22Google Scholar.

20 Fawcett, R., Scottish Medieval Churches (Edinburgh, 1985), pp. 36–37Google Scholar.

21 Barrow, G. W. S., “The Pattern of Feudal Settlement in Cumbria,” Journal of Medieval History 1 (1975): 128CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Brooke, , Fergus, p. 1Google Scholar; see also Oram, , “Fergus,” in Galloway: Land and Lordship, pp. 117–30Google Scholar.

23 Chron. Holyrood, p. 137; Vita Ailredi, p. 46. On Fergus in general see Brooke, Fergus, passim.

24 Oram, , “Fergus,” in Galloway: Land and Lordship, pp. 117–22Google Scholar.

25 Early Scottish Charters Prior to A.D. 1153, ed. Lawrie, A. C. (Glasgow, 1905), nos. 109, 125, 126Google Scholar, for Fergus as a witness [hereafter cited as Lawrie, Early Scottish Charters].

26 For the events of 1160–61 see: Citron. Melrose, p. 77, and Chron. Holyrood, p. 139. Brooke, , Fergus, pp. 14–15Google Scholar, argues that Fergus played no role in the 1160 revolt. See also Reid, R. C., “The Priory of St. Mary's Isle,” Transactions of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society [TDGNHAS] 3rd ser. 36 (1957–1958): 9–10Google Scholar, on Fergus's retirement.

27 “Kirkcudbrightshire,” New Statistical Account of Scotland (London and Edinburgh, 1845), 4: 357–58Google Scholar [hereafter cited as New Stat. Acc.]. This work is composed of contributions on the parishes by local ministers, and although antiquities were usually dealt with ineptly, it should not be ignored: see Cowan, and Easson, , MRHS, p. xxvGoogle Scholar.

28 Butler, L. and Given-Wilson, C., Medieval Monasteries of Great Britain (London, 1979), p. 206Google Scholar {cited hereafter as Medieval Monasteries].

29 Chron. Melrose, p. 72; Early Sources of Scottish History A.D. 500–1286, ed. Anderson, A. O. (Edinburgh, 1922; repr. 1990), 2: 204 n.1Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Anderson, Early Sources]. Scott, J. G., “The Origins of Dundrennan and Soulseat Abbeys,” TDGNHAS 3rd ser. 63 (1988): 35–44Google Scholar, argues for a date of 1156, but is not convincing. The fact that Dundrennan was colonized from Rievaulx was established by Stringer, K.J., “Galloway and the Abbeys of Rievaulx and Dundrennan,” TDGNHAS 3rd ser. 55 (1980): 175Google Scholar.

30 On the often drawn-out nature of monastic foundations, see Galbraith, , “Monastic Foundation Charters,” pp. 221–22Google Scholar, and Dickinson, J. C., The Origins of the Austin Canons and their Introduction into England (London, 1959), pp. 97–98Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Dickinson, Austin Canons].

31 Chron. Fordun, 1: 238Google Scholar; Scorichronicon, 2: 538Google Scholar; Butler, and Given-Wilson, , Medieval Monasteries, pp. 206Google Scholar.

32 Stringer, , “Abbeys of Rievaulx and Dundrennan,” p. 175Google Scholar. See also Christie, A. M., The Abbey of Dundrennan (Glasgow, 1914), p. 34Google Scholar.

33 John of Hexham, Continuation of Symeon of Durham's Historia Regis, in Symeon of Durham, Opera Omnia, ed. Arnold, T. (Rolls Series, London, 1882–1885), 2: 330Google Scholar. On the value of John's work: Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England c. 550 to c. 1307 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1974), p. 261Google Scholar.

34 Spottiswoode, J., An Account of all the Religious Houses that were in Scotland at the time of the Reformation, in Keith, R., An Historical Catalogue of the Scottish Bishops Down to the Year 1688 (Edinburgh, 1824), p. 417Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Spottiswoode, Account of all the Religious Houses]; New Stat. Acc., 4: 362Google Scholar. See also Janauscheck, L. P., Originum Cisterciencium Tomus I (Vienna, 1870), p. 70Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Originum Cisterciencium].

35 DNB, 5: 789–90. See also Backmund's arguments on Dempster's reliability in Backmund, N., “The Premonstratensian Order in Scotland,” Innes Review 4 (1953): 33CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cowan and Easson, , MRHS, p. xxii n. 2Google Scholar, remain unconvinced of Dempster's authority, however.

36 Dempster, T., Historia Ecclesiasrica Genris Scotorum (Edinburgh, 1839), 2: 555Google Scholar.

37 Fuit hic abnepos Fergusii illius qui Dundranense coenobium fundarat; unde error Scoticorum chronicorum colligitur, qui fundatum volunt a S. Davide. ibid, 2: 555.

38 See above all Brooke, Fergus, passim.

39 On David's work reorganizing bishoprics see Donaldson, G., “Scottish Bishops' Sees in the Reign of David I,” Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland [PSAS] 87 (1952–1953): 106–17Google Scholar. On Fergus and Candida Casa see Robertson, E. W., Scotland Under Her Early Kings (Edinburgh, 1862), 2: 357–58Google Scholar; Donaldson, G., “The Bishops and Priors of Whithorn,” TDGNHAS 3rd ser. 27 (1948–1949): 127–54Google Scholar; Oram, R. D., “In Obedience and Reverence: Whithom and York c.1128–c.1250,” Innes Review 42 no. 2 (1991): 83–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 An importaitf source for St. Malachy is St. Bernard's Life of Malachy. For modem commentary see Gwynn, A., “St. Malachy of Armagh,” The Irish Ecclesiastical Record 70 (1948): 961–78Google Scholar, and Watt, J., The Church and the Two Nations in Medieval Ireland (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 19–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 Life of Malachy, p. 120.

42 See Cowan, and Easson, , MRHS, pp. 78–79Google Scholar.

43 “Wigtonshire,” New Stat. Acc., 4: 82, 87Google Scholar. See also Bulloch, J., Adam of Dryburgh (London, 1958), p. 6Google Scholar. This loch still retains its green hue today.

44 Newhouse Obituary in Historical Manuscripts Commission, vol. lxviGoogle Scholar, cited in Bulloch, , Adam of Dryburgh, p. 7Google Scholar n. 1; see also Scotichronicon, 2: 538Google Scholar; Cowan, and Easson, , MRHS, p. 102Google Scholar.

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51 On Fergus's restoration of the bishopric, see Donaldson, , “Bishops and Priors of Whithorn,” p. 135Google Scholar; Stell, G., “Medieval Buildings and Secular Lordship,” in Galloway: Land and Lordship, p. 145Google Scholar; Oram, , “Whithom and York,” pp. 83–90Google Scholar. Watt, D. E. R., Fasti Ecclesiae Medii Aevi ad annum 1638 (Scottish Record Society, Edinburgh, 1969), p. 128Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Fasti Ecclesiae], identifies Gilla-Aldan as first bishop of the revived see.

52 Liber S. Marie de Dryburgh, ed. Spottiswoode, J. (Edinburgh, 1842), p. vi n. 3Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Dryburgh Liber]; see also Backmund, , Monasticon, 2: 113Google Scholar.

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54 Circa haec, ait, tempora Christianas Candidae-Casae episcopus in Galuveia Scotiae regione, canonicos suae Ecclesiae cathedralis, iam regulares, in Praemonstratenses convertit. Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Series Latina, ed. Migne, J. P. (Paris, 1844–1864), 198: col. 33Google Scholar; see also col. 54.

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58 Dryburgh Liber, p. vi n.3; one list gives Holywood as a foundation of Devorgilla de Balliol but Cowan, and Easson, , MRHS, p. 102Google Scholar, reject this as due to confusion with Sweetheart Abbey. No founder can be suggested for Holywood.

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71 Keith Stringer has prepared a more extensive study of the monastic patronage of these lords to appear in a forthcoming volume entitled Alba: Celtic Scotland in the Medieval Era. I am grateful to him for allowing me to see the work in typescript.

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89 Lawrie, Early Scottish Charters, nos. 109, 125, 126.

90 Vita Ailredi, p. xxix n. 3; Lawrie, Early Scottish Charters, no. 109.

91 Vita Ailredi, pp. xciv, 46.

92 Ibid. But Chron. Holyrood, pp. 136–37, linked the campaigns of King Malcolm IV in Galloway in 1160 with Fergus's retirement; it is probable that he was forced to withdraw to Holyrood abbey as the cost of his defeat.

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106 Annals of Ulster, ed. and trans. Hennessy, W. M. and McCarthy, B. (Dublin, 1887–1901), 2: 144–47Google Scholar; see also MacQuarrie, A., Iona Through the Ages (Isle of Coll, 1983), pp. 14–15Google Scholar; Herbert, M., Iona, Kells and Derry. The History and Historiography of the Monastic Familia of Columba (Oxford, 1988), p. 120Google Scholar.

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111 Annals of Ulster, 2: 240–43Google Scholar. This account implies that some construction, at least, had been completed, since the Irish clergy destroyed the offending buildings.

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114 See Gwynn, and Hadcock, , MRHI, pp. 5, 307–26Google Scholar. On the architecture of the Iona nunnery, see Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland, Argyll—An Inventory of the Monuments (Edinburgh, 1971-), 4: no. 5Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Argyll-Inventory], and Dunbar, J. G. and Fisher, I., Iona (Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 8–10Google Scholar.

115 Clanranald Book, p. 157; History of the MacDonalds, in Highland Papers, 1: 11Google Scholar.

116 Steer, K. A. and Bannerman, J., Late Medieval Monumental Sculpture in the West Highlands (Edinburgh, 1977), p. 90Google Scholar; see also Martin, Martin, A Description of the Western Islands of Scotland circa 1695 (Stirling, 1934, repr. of 1703 ed.), pp. 290–91Google Scholar, for a description of the slab's appearance in 1695.

117 See Argyll-Inventory, 4: no. 5 and notes.

118 Scott, J. E., “Saddell Abbey,” Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness 46 (1969–1970): 114Google Scholar; Steer, and Bannerman, , Late Medieval Monumental Sculpture, p. 45Google Scholar.

119 McKerral, A., “A Chronology of the Abbey and Castle of Saddell, Kintyre,” PSAS 86 (1951–1952): 115Google Scholar.

120 Brown, A. L., “The Cistercian Abbey of Saddell, Kintyre,” Innes Review 20 (1969–1970): 130CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

121 Birch, W. de Gray, “On the date of Foundation Ascribed to the Cistercian Abbeys of Great Britain,” Journal of the British Archaeological Association 26 (1870): 361Google Scholar; see also Anderson, , Early Sources, 2: 247Google Scholar.

122 Scotichronicon, 2: 538Google Scholar; Spottiswoode, , Account of all the Religious Houses, p. 422Google Scholar; Janauschek, , Originum Cisterciensium, p. 224Google Scholar; MacDonald, A. and MacDonald, A., Clan Donald, 1: 53, 60, 513–14Google Scholar.

123 Barrett, M., The Scottish Monasteries of Old (Edinburgh, 1913), p. 151Google Scholar; McKerral, , “Chronology…of Saddell,” p. 115Google Scholar. Scott, “Saddell Abbey,” who confuses Raonall the son of Somerled with Ragnvald the king of Man, seems to contradict himself. On p. 117 he suggests that Somerled was the founder while on p. 123 he supposes it was Raonall.

124 Highland Papers, 1: 146–49Google Scholar; RMS, 2: no. 3170. See also Brown, , “Cistercian Abbey of Saddell,” pp. 130–31Google Scholar.

125 Clanranald Book, p. 157.

126 Brown, , “Cistercian Abbey of Saddell,” pp. 131–32Google Scholar. A. and A. MacDonald argued that Somerled must have founded Saddell abbey because he was buried there: Clan Donald, 1: 60, 513–14Google Scholar. But there is no convincing evidence that he was interred there, and it is more likely that he was buried on Iona: see McDonald, R. A., “The Death and Burial of Somerled of Argyll,” West Highland Notes and Queries 2nd ser. 8 (1991): 6–10Google Scholar.

127 For the conflicts of Somerled with the Scottish king, see McDonald and McLean, “Somerled of Argyll.”

128 New History of Ireland II, ed. Cosgrove, , pp. 38, 54–55Google Scholar.

129 Barrow, The Acts of William I, no. 141.

130 Van Der Meer, F., Atlas De l'Ordre Cistercien (Paris and Bruxelles, 1965), p. iv, suggested 1226Google Scholar.

131 Argyll-Inventory, 1: 140–41Google Scholar. Raonall died in 1207 according to the Clanranald Book, p. 157; this date is shown to be erroneous by McEwen, A. B., “The Death of Reginald son of Somerled,” West Highland Notes and Queries 2nd ser. no. 6 (Sept. 1990): 3–8Google Scholar, who would place his death as late as 1227.

132 Registrum Monasterii de Passelet, ed. Innes, C. (Edinburgh, 1832), p. 125Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Paisley Registrum]. The dating of the charter is uncertain because none of the witnesses can be identified: Grant, , Lordship of the Isles, p. 231, suggested 1180Google Scholar.

133 Paisley Registrum, p. 125.

134 Clan Donald, 1: 522Google Scholar.

135 Paisley Registrum, p. 249.

136 Argyll-Inventory, 4: 143Google Scholar; Steer, and Bannerman, , Late Medieval Monumental Sculpture, p. 208Google Scholar.

137 Gwynn, and Hadcock, , MRHI, pp. 5, 102–09Google Scholar.

138 On John de Courcy's religious foundations in Ireland see Orpen, G. H., Ireland Under the Normans (Oxford, 1911–1920), 2: 20–22Google Scholar.

139 Liber Vitae Ecclesiae Dunelmensis, ed. Stevenson, J. (Durham, 1841), p. 135Google Scholar.

140 Lamont, W. D., Ancient and Medieval Sculptured Stones of Islay (Edinburgh and London, 1968), p. 25Google Scholar, and The Early History of Islay (Dundee, 1966), p. 20Google Scholar.

141 Janauschek, , Originum Cisterciensium, pp. 101, 224Google Scholar; Scott, , “Saddell Abbey,” p. 117Google Scholar; Atlas De l'Ordre Cistercien, p. iv; Talbot, H., The Cistercian Abbeys of Scotland (London, 1939), p. 36Google Scholar.

142 This connection was established by Brown, , “Cistercian Abbey of Saddell,” pp. 130–31Google Scholar.

143 On Mellifont see Conway, C., The Story of Mellifont (Dublin, 1958)Google Scholar, and Watt, , Church and the Two Nations in Medieval Ireland, p. 25Google Scholar.

144 There is a considerable literature on this subject in general. See Lawrence, , Medieval Monasticism, pp. 69–75Google Scholar; Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders, ch. 10; Wood, S., English Monasteries and Their Patrons in the Thirteenth Century (Oxford, 1955)Google Scholar; and Bouchard, , Sword, Miter, and Cloister, pp. 231–32Google Scholar. Wardrop, J., Fountains Abbey and its Benefactors 1132–1300 (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1987)Google Scholar, provides a detailed study of the relations between a monastery and its benefactors. Though now somewhat dated, Coulton, G. G., Five Centuries of Religion (Cambridge, 1923–1936)Google Scholar, 3: ch. 3–5, has much of value on this topic. Southern, R. W., Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages (Harmondsworth, 1970), ch. 6Google Scholar, remains the best work on the social significance of the religious orders.

145 Brooke, , Fergus, p. 10Google Scholar; Oram, , “A Family Business?,” p. 115Google Scholar.

146 See Southern, Western Society and the Church, ch. 6.

147 Brooke, , Fergus, p. 10Google Scholar.

148 Southern, R. W., The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven and London, 1953), pp. 160–69Google Scholar, provides a fine discussion of contemporary expectations for monastic establishments. Such expectations are demonstrated by Gerald of Wales, who, describing the claswyr, Welsh secular canons at St. David's, took great pains to stress that they were absque ordine et regula: Cambrensis, Giraldus, Opera, ed. Brewer, J. S., et al (Rolls Series, London, 1861–1891), 3: 153–54Google Scholar.

149 Vita Ailredi, p. 45.

150 Southern, , Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages, p. 244Google Scholar.

151 Oram, , “Whithorn and York,” pp. 83–84Google Scholar.

152 Brooke, C., “Princes and Kings as Patrons of Monasteries,” in Il Monachesimo e la Riforma Ecclesiastica (1049–1122), Settimana Internationale di studio, 4th, Passo della Mendola, 1968Google Scholar, Miscellanea Del Centro Di Studi Medioevali VI (Milan, 1971), pp. 125–44Google Scholar, quotation at 131–32.

153 Brooke, , Fergus, p. 9Google Scholar.

154 See Anson, P. F., A Monastery in Moray: The Story of Pluscarden Priory 1230–1948 (London, 1959), p. 6Google Scholar.

155 Duncan, , Scotland, p. 182Google ScholarPubMed; Oram, , “A Family Business?,” pp. 117–24Google Scholar presents a different view.

156 Ragg, F. W., “Five Strathclyde and Galloway Charters—four concerning Cardew, and one the Westmorland Newbigging,” Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society n.s. 17 (1917): 218–19Google Scholar.

157 Liber Cartarum S. Crucis, ed. Innes, , p. 19Google Scholar.

159 Cowan, and Easson, , MRHS, pp. 91, 74, 147, 145, 146, 148Google Scholar. These monastic foundations would repay closer study.

160 Duncan, , Scotland, p. 151Google ScholarPubMed.

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162 Davies, R. R., Domination and Conquest. The experience of Ireland, Scotland and Wales 1100–1300 (The Wiles Lectures, 1988. Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar.

163 E.g. Barrow, Kingship and Unity, ch. 6.

164 E.g. Oram, “A Family Business?”; R. A. McDonald, “Matrimonial Politics and Core-Periphery Interactions in Twelfth- and early Thirteenth-Century Scotland,” Journal of Medieval History, forthcoming.

165 Hudson, , “Gaelic Princes and Gregorian Reform,” in Crossed Paths, p. 77Google Scholar.

166 Bartlett, , Making of Europe, passim; pp. 255–60Google Scholar on the role of the religious orders.