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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 July 2014
Ecclesiastical patrons used a broad range of criteria to select clergy for preferment to livings and dignities in the Church of England in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The qualifications of nobility, of academic standing, of services to the Church and State, of a patron's influence and strong churchmanship were among those that were most common. But a further factor affected advancement: that of self-recommendation. Ecclesiastical historians, particularly those of the Victorian era, have tended to see this as a morally questionable, if not corrupt, method of gaining advancement—and one which was primarily a feature of the Hanoverian Church. Indeed the traditional view of ecclesiastical history, though increasingly under challenge, regarded the Hanoverian and Victorian Churches as standing in strong contrast to each other. This contrast has tended to include the quality and recruitment of the clergy. Yet, there was no fundamental difference in the methods used by patrons in distributing livings and offices in the Church in these two centuries. Crown livings and senior posts in the Church were distributed by ministers and patrons who were prone to favor, influence, and persuasion. It was to this system that self-recommendation was directed, in the hope of securing preferment. Because of the success of personal solicitation, self-recommendation remained a factor in nominations to places in the Church throughout the nineteenth century. Even when it was declared unacceptable for the appointment to senior Church offices by Gladstone in 1881, self-recommendation remained in existence in a covert form.
I am pleased to acknowledge the encouragement and advice of Professor Jeremy Black.
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2 Hitschberg, Daniel, “A Social History of The Anglican Episcopate 1660–1760” (Ph.D. thesis. University of Michigan, 1976), p. 98ffGoogle Scholar. The same view is echoed in Taylor, Stephen, “Church and State in England in the Mid-eighteenth Century: The Newcastle Years, 1742-62” (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1987)Google Scholar.
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17 B.L., Add. Mss. 32,719 to 32,886, passim. For details of the remarkable Hibbins-Newcastle correspondence see Gibson, William “‘Importunate Cries of Misery’: The Correspondence of Lucius Henry Hibbins & The Duke of Newcastle 1740-1758,” in The British Library Journal 17 (Spring 1991)Google Scholar. It seems clear that Hibbins had quite realistic encouragement from the dukes of Newcastle and Richmond, and they cynically abandoned him to abject poverty. For Austen's claims, see Curtis, Chichester Towers, pp. 93–96 Google Scholar. For Blacow's claims see Robson, R. J., The Oxfordshire Election of 1754 (London, 1949), p. 164 Google Scholar. For Crigan, see Christie, The Diary of William Jones, pp. 189–91Google Scholar.
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20 For the legitimacy of nepotism, see Gibson, “Patterns of Nepotism and Kinship.” For Woodward, see Gibson, A Parson in the Vale of the White Horse. An equally important point is that clergy were often scrupulous in declining advancement as well as seeking it, see Gibson, William, The Anglican Achievement 1689–1800: The Confessional State in Eighteenth Century England (Lewiston, 1995), ch. 2Google Scholar.
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34 Ibid, WP1/937/29. Pepys had strong family connections to fall back on if political promises did not bear fruit.
35 Ibid, WP1/1083/9, WP1/937/7 & WP1/1023/11.
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49 Though late in the century and into the twentieth the archbishops of Canterbury received direct applications. E.g. Lambeth Palace Library, Temple MS. 15, ff 295-97.
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