Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Most studies of the legal profession, done in metropolitan settings, have indicated that the profession is characterized by deep divisions associated with varying practice patterns, professional status, and orientation. But the sources of division within the bar include more than the specialization and stratification that are typical of the bar in metropolitan settings. Community context also appears to be a source of division. It determines not only the character of a lawyer's cases and clients but also the manner in which practice is conducted. This comparison of practice patterns in Missouri of rural lawyers with those in a middle-sized city (Springfield) revealed that while the small town context protects the bar from the centrifugal forces of stratification found in larger settings, it also has elements that challenge the professional independence of the practitioner. The small town or rural practitioner is very much a part of the local life, and thus local opinion and values have a salience for practice patterns not typical of larger settings. In addition, these rural lawyers are less likely to be engaged exclusively in law practice.
Overall, the data suggest that the legal profession is divided not only by specialization and its attendant internal stratification but also by the size and character of the local context. In contrast to the view that the profession is a homogeneous professional subculture, we found that the bar may better be thought of as a rather loose-knit group with tenuous collegial ties whose professionalism is under constant challenge from the community in which law practice occurs.
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20 The Springfield population was derived from a combination of lists provided by the Greene County Bar Association, the Missouri Bar, and the telephone directory. Each of the 200 lawyers in private practice was mailed a survey form. The response rate was precisely 50 percent. An examination of the known characteristics of those lawyers who did not respond indicated that the respondents were representative of the bar in terms of proportion of firm partners, associates, and solo practitioners. The rural sample was drawn from a list of attorneys supplied by the Missouri Bar and compared with the Legal Directories Publishing Company's 1976-77 Missouri Directory. A 20 percent random sample was drawn from attorneys practicing in counties ranging from 40,000 population to the least populous county in the state. Again, a mail survey was used, and we achieved a 51 percent return rate. The highest return rate was from the smallest counties, but in absolute numbers lawyers in counties with populations between 20,000 and 30,000 constituted almost 40 percent of the returns and were thus somewhat overrepresented. The rural sample cannot be assumed to be fully representative of the rural lawyer population. However, all categories of rural counties were represented in the returns.Google Scholar
21 The Springfield respondents were 78 percent Protestant and 7 percent Catholic in a community that is 72 percent Protestant and 6 percent Catholic. The rural respondents were largely (72 percent) Protestant, reflecting the rural religious orientation in Missouri. The majority of both sets of respondents were inclined to identify themselves as Republicans, again reflecting the dominant political orientation of each area.Google Scholar
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27 Of course the opposite may also be true. There may be a sufficiently strong congruence between the moral perspective of the community and that of the attorney that he unconsciously implements community perspectives in his work. As Pollitt, supra note 18, has observed, the lawyer may well operate as a “captive of the community's values.” Rather than responding to pressure, the attorney may be implementing deeply internalized preferences.Google Scholar
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32 Obviously, the data here are not conclusive. We would need data indicating how other professional groups score on the Dye scale before we could safely conclude that there is a built-in local orientation in the bar as our preliminary data suggest.Google Scholar
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34 It should be noted that the median income figures for the rural and urban group are affected by the relatively high incidence of new young firm associates being hired in the urban setting at salaries often under $10,000 (1976). Nearly all the 21 lawyers from the urban setting with incomes under $15,000 were young firm associates. Because this type of firm practice is less typical of rural settings, there are fewer low-salaried associates. Also, both urban and rural groups show income to be significantly related to number of years in practice. The rural bar is a significantly “older” bar. Twenty-two percent had been in practice 25 years or more compared with 13 percent in the urban sample. Each bar had a considerable proportion of young lawyers, however: 44.6 percent had been in practice less than 10 years in the rural sample compared with 56 percent in the urban sample.Google Scholar
35 As opposed to metropolitan firm specialists, who typically serve highly specialized interests and thus a restricted clientele.Google Scholar
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40 The scale measured participation in ABA, the Missouri Bar, county bar associations, and “other” in four types of activity: membership = 1; section membership =2; committee responsibility = 3; office = 4. The highest level of participation in each association was summed together to establish a score that could range from 1 to 16. We arbitrarily set 0–3 as low, 4–7 as moderate, and 8 or above as high.Google Scholar
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42 Cf. Charles A. Reich, The New Property, 73 Yale L.J. 733–87 (1964).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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44 Additional data suggest that contrary to the metropolitan bar, which is rigidly stratified by income, practice type, clientele, and professional prestige, the rural bar shows little evidence of such stratification. Cf. Handler, supra note 11.Google Scholar