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Afro-World: African-Diaspora Thought and Practice in Montevideo, Uruguay, 1830-2000

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2015

George Reid Andrews
George Reid Andrews*
Affiliation:
University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
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Extract

Were one to sit down to compile a list of the great cities of the African diaspora, Montevideo, Uruguay, would not be one of the first names to come to mind. Yet during the period of Spanish colonial rule, thousands of Africans arrived in the city, brought on slaving vessels from Africa and Brazil. By 1810, the population both of Montevideo (9,400) and the larger colony of the Banda Oriental (an estimated 30,000) was one-third black and mulatto. Two centuries later, as a result of large-scale European immigration during the 1800s and early 1900s that proportion had fallen to 6 percent, with Afro-Uruguayans numbering approximately 180,000 people in a national population of 3 million.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 67 , Issue 1 , July 2010 , pp. 83 - 107
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2010

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References

Research for this article was supported by the Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios Latinoamericanos at the Universidad de la República and, at the University of Pittsburgh, the University Center for International Studies and the School of Arts and Sciences. I am grateful to two anonymous reviewers for their careful reading of the essay and their thoughtful comments.

1. On the slave trade to Montevideo, see Alex, Borucki, “The Slave Trade to the Río de la Plata, 1777–1812: Trans-Imperial Networks and Atlantic Warfare,” Colonial Latin American Review (forthcoming).Google Scholar For population figures, see Oscar, Montano, Umkhonto: Historia del aporte negro-africano en la formación del Uruguay (Montevideo: Rosebud Ediciones, 1997), p. 120;Google Scholar Andrés, Florines et al., “Bases para el estudio de la población uruguaya: El grupo negroide,” in Monica, Sans, ed., Bases para el estudio de la población uruguaya (Montevideo: Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación, 1994), p. 100;Google Scholar Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Encuesta continua de hogares: Módulo de raza (Montevideo: Instituto Nacional de Estadística, 1998), p. 1.

2. On the history of Afro–Uruguayan organizations, see Romero, Jorge Rodríguez, Mbundo malungo a mundele: Historia del movimiento afrouruguayo y sus alternativas de desarrollo (Montevideo: Rosebud Ediciones, 2006);Google Scholar George, Reid Andrews, Blackness in the White Nation: A History of Afro-Uruguay (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, in press).Google Scholar

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5. William, G. Aeree and Borucki, Alex, eds., Jacinto Ventura de Molina y los caminos de la escritura negra en cl Río de la Plata (Montevideo: Linardi y Risso, 2008), pp. 112–13.Google Scholar

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8. Goldman, , Candombe, pp. 58, 60;Google Scholar original ellipsis.

9. On Uruguay’s pursuit of European norms, see José, Pedro Barran, Historia de la sensibilidad en el Uruguay (Montevideo: Ediciones de la Banda Oriental, 2008), pp. 211–436.Google Scholar

10. Marcelino, Bottaro, “Rituales y candombes,” in de Carvalho-Neto, Paulo, ed., El negro uruguayo (hasta la abolición) (Quito: Editorial Universitaria, 1965), p. 316.Google Scholar

11. Olivera, Chirimini and Varese, , Los candombes de Reyes, pp. 136–37.Google Scholar

12. Reglamento de la Sociedad Pobres Negros Orientales (Montevideo: Imprenta de la Tribuna, 1869), p. 4.

13. “Ayer y hoy,” La Conservación (25 Aug. 1872), p. 1; “Siempre los mismos,” La Conservación (6 Nov. 1872), p. 1; original emphasis.

14. “Canto a mi raza,” El Periódico (14 July 1889), p. 2.

15. See for example “Los hombres blancos y nosotros,” La Conservación (27 Oct. 1872), p. 1; “Los derechos,” El Progresista (4 Sept. 1873), p. 1; “Pocos quedan,” La Regeneración (4 Jan. 1885), pp. 1–2; “Ayer y hoy,” La Propaganda (12 Nov. 1893), pp. 1–2; “Nuestra raza ante la historia,” La Propaganda (10 May 1911 ).

16. Reglamento de la Sociedad Pobres Negros Orientales, p. 4.

17. Milita, Alfaro, El Carnaval “heroico” (1800–1872) (Montevideo: Ediciones Trilce, 1991), p. 67.Google Scholar

18. Gustavo, Goldman, Lncamba: Herencia africana en el tango, 1870–1890 (Montevideo: Perro Andaluz Ediciones, 2008), p. 209.Google Scholar Claims to citizenship based on military service by slave and free blacks were common throughout Afro-Latin America. See Peter, Blanchard, Under the Flags of Freedom: Slave Soldiers and the Wars of Independence in Spanish South America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008);Google Scholar George, Reid Andrews, Afro-Latin America, 1800–2000 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 55–67, 87–100;Google Scholar Marixa, Lasso, Myths of Harmony: Race and Republicanism during the Age of Revolution, Colombia, 1795–1831 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2007);Google Scholar Ada, Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868–1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999).Google Scholar

19. La Raza, Africana, “Recuerdos de la Patria,” in Figueroa, Julio, ed., El Carnaval: Coleccion de canciones de la mayor parte de las comparsas carnavalescas (Montevideo: Renaud Reynaud, 1878), p. 46.Google Scholar

20. “Los escritores y la raza negra,” Acción (15 Feb. 1935), p. 16.

21. See for example “La emancipación en el Brasil,’ La Regeneración (22 Feb. 1885), p. 1; “Sueltos,” El Periódico (19 May 1889), p. 4; “Asuntos del Brasil,” El Periódico (28 July 1889), p. 1.Google Scholar

22. Excerpts of Freyre’s Casa grande e senzala ran in Nuestra Raza from June through October 1939, and excerpts from Arthur Ramos’s As culturas negras no Novo Mundo in July and August 1940. Applauding the development of Afro–Brazilian studies, Nuestra Raza called for similar research on Uruguay. “Instituto Cultural Uruguayo Brasileiro,” Nuestra Raza (30 Aug. 1940), p. 5. For an article on the development of Brazilian samba, see “La samba nace en los cerros,” Nuestra Raza (28 Feb. 1939), p. 6; on racial discrimination in Brazil, see “Para los negros uruguayos,” Revista Uruguay (June 1947), p. 4.

23. On conditions of Afro-Argenti η e and Afro-Uruguayan life during the late 1800s, see George, Reid Andrews, The Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires, 1800–1900 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1980), pp. 178–200;Google Scholar Platero, Piedra libre; Cirio, Tinta negra; Lea, Geler, “¿’Otros1 argentinos? Afrodescendientes porteños y la construcción de la nación argentina entre 1873 y 1882” (Ph.D. dissertation, Universi ta t de Barcelona, 2008);Google Scholar Rodríguez, , Mbundo malungo, pp. 56–71;Google Scholar Andrews, Blackness in the White Nation, chapter 1.

24. “El éxito de una gestion,” La Verdad (15 May 1914), p. 2.

25. Sec for example “Ultimo dia,” La Regeneración (28 Dec. 1884), pp. 2–3; Miscelánea,” La Regeneración (1 Feb. 1885), p. 1; “Noticias,” La Propaganda (14 Jan. 1894), pp. 2–3; “Centros y sociedades,” La Verdad (15 Dec. 1913), p. 3.

26. “El acto realizado en cl Sodre el día 12,” Nuestra Raza (Dec. 1942), pp. 5–13; “El comité nacional ‘Conmemoración del Centenario de la Abolicón de la Esclavitud’,” Rumbos (Jan. 1943), p. 3.

27. Both emancipation decrees, in 1842 (Colorados) and 1846 (Blancos), required newly freed ex–slaves to enlist in the armed forces. On black military service in the Guerra Grande, see Alex, Boruckì et al., Esclavitud y trabajo: Un estudio sobre los afrodescendİentes en la frontera uruguaya, 1835–1855 (Montevideo: Pulmón Ediciones, 2004), pp. 33–97;Google Scholar on the emancipation decrees, see Jorge, Pelfort, 150 años: Abolición de la esclavitud en el Uruguay (Montevideo: Ediciones de la Plaza, 1996).Google Scholar

28. “Sociedad ‘Centro Uruguayo’,” El Periódico (9 June 1889), p. 1 ; “¿Volvemos á las andadas?” El Periódico (7 July 1889), p. 1; “Consideraciones de orden social,” La Verdad (15 Jan. 1912), p. 1; “De la vecina orilla,” La Verdad (30 April 1914), p. 2.

29. “Los derechos,” El Progresista (4 Sept. 1873), p. I. The paper was probably referring to Colonel Domingo Sosa, who served in the Buenos Aires provincial legislature from 1856 to 1862. Another Afro-Argentine officer, Colonial Jose Maria Morales, served in the legislature during the 1870s, after the article in El Progresista. Marcos, de Estrada, Argentinos de origen africano (Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires, 1979), pp. 130, 144.Google Scholar

30. “Algunas palabras con nuestros amigos,” La Regeneración (14 Dec. 1884), pp. 2–3.

31. “Ultimo dia,” La Regeneración (5 April 1885), p. 4.

32. For mention of these papers, see La Propaganda (28 Jan. 1894), p. 2; “Benedito Ferreyra,” La Verdad (15 July 1912), pp. 2–3; “Noticias,” El Eco del Porvenir (1 Oct. 1901), p. 4; “Sección Bonaerense,” La Propaganda (10 May 1911), p. 2; Revista Uruguay (June 1946), pp. 9–10. La Verdad, edited in the 1890s and early 1900s by Benedito Ferreyra, resurfaced for a third época in the 1930s, edited by Oscar Ferreyra, probably a relative of the original editor. “Periodísticas,” Nuestra Raza (23 Sept. 1934); “La Verdad,” Acción (30 Sept. 1935), p. 1.

33. “Correspondencia,” La Regeneración (28 Dec. 1884), pp. 1–2.

34. On the need to rejuvenate the black organizations, sec “ù est le chat?” El Periódico (11 Aug. 1889), p. 1.

35. On the 1894 elections, see “El hombre de acción” and “Solicitada,” La Propaganda (13 May 1894), pp. 13. On the outcome of the elections, “Noticias,” La Propaganda (17 June 1894), p. 3. On La Protectora more generally, Andrews, , Afro-Argentines, pp. 152–55;Google Scholar “Negros argentinos fundaron la primera institución solidaria de socorros mutuos,” Revista Uruguay (Nov. 1947), p. 11.

36. Sec for example “Correspondencia,” La Regeneración (15 Feb. 1885), pp. 1–2; “Ultimo dia,” La Regeneración (1 March 1885), p. 4. One of the Afro–Argentine dance entrepreneurs, Eulogio Alsina, migrated to Montevideo, where he became the premier organizer of dances and other entertainments for the Afro–Uruguayan middle class. Chirimini, Olivera and Varese, , Los candombes de Reyes, pp. 176, 180;Google Scholar Goldman, , Lucamba, pp. 78–82.Google Scholar

37. On blackface comparsas in Buenos Aires and Montevideo, see Sánchez, Daniel et al., “El Carnaval de los ‘blancos-negros’,” in Maronese, Leticia, ed., Buenos Aires negra: Identidad y cultura (Buenos Aires: Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 2006), pp. 115–43;Google Scholar Andrews, George Reid, “Remembering Africa, Inventing Uruguay: Sociedades de Negros in the Montevideo Carnival, 1865–1930,” Hispanic American Historical Review 87:4 (2007), pp. 693–726.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

38. Puccia, Enrique Horacio, Historia del Carnaval porteño (Buenos Aires: Academia Porteña del Lunfardo, 2000), pp. 227–38.Google Scholar

39. Goldman, , Lttcamba, pp. 121–36;Google Scholar Thompson, Robert Farris, Tango: The Art History of Love (New York: Pantheon, 2005), pp. 111–20.Google Scholar

40. “Adelante!” El Progresista (2 On. 1873), p. 1; see the portrait of Maceo on the front cover of Nuestra Raza (30 April 1940).

41. The Pobres Negros Cubanos were first mentioned in the Afro–Uruguayan press in 1894, in a report on the Carnival of that year. “Canciones del Carnaval,” La Propaganda (4 Feb. 1894), p. 2.

42. José María Solano, Consul of Cuba, to Virgilio Sampognaro, Chief of Police, Montevideo, 20 Feb. 1917. Archivo General de la Nación, caja 217, carpeta 5, folio 5.

43. On candombe, sec Ferreira, Luis, Los tambores del candombe (Montevideo: Ediciones Colihue-Sepc, 1997);Google Scholar Goldman, Candombe; Olivera Chİrimİni and Varese, Los candombes de Reyes; Andrews, Blackness in the White Nation, chapters 2 and 4.

44. This account taken from an undated copy of Tabares’s curriculum vitac, author’s collection; and interview, Pedrito Tabares, Montevideo, 3 Dec. 2001. During the 1970s Tabares declined in popularity and suffered serious health problems. He died in poverty in 1980.

45. That rhythm is clearly audible İn a 1946 recording of Miscelánea Negra and in recordings of Tabares’s candombes. CD 56, Archivo Sonoro Lauro Ayestarán, Museo Romántico; Bantú recuerda a Pedro Ferreira (n.p., n.d.). My sincere thanks go to Tomás Olivera Chirimini for making the latter CD available to me.

46. Interviews, Benjamín Arrascaeta, Montevideo, 9 Oct. 2001; Bienvenido Martínez (Juan Velorio), Montevideo, 6 Oct. 2001.

47. Lewis, Afro–Uruguayan Literature, pp. 47–77;Google Scholar Britos Serrât, Alberto ed., Antología de poetas negros uruguayos, 2 vols. (Montevideo: Ediciones Mundo Afro, 1990, 1996).Google Scholar

48. Sec for example Hughes’s, “A New Song,” translated as “Un nuevo cantar,” Nuestra Raza (30 March 1939), p. 7;Google Scholar or Guillén’s, “España,” Nuestra Raza (30 Jan. 1938), p. 5.Google Scholar On Guillen, and Hughes, in Spain, “Poetas negros y poetas de España,” Nuestra Raza (30 April 1938), pp. 5;Google Scholar “Poetas negros y poetas de España,” Nuestra Raza (30 May 1938), pp. 2–4. On the relationship between Guillen and Hughes, see Ellis, Keith “Nicolás Guillén and Langston Hughes: Convergences and Divergences,” in Brock, Lisa and Castañeda Fuentes, Digna eds., Between Race and Empire: African–Americans and Cubans before the Cuban Revolution (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), pp. 129–67;Google Scholar Andre Guridy, Frank Forging Diaspora: Afro–Cubans and African Americans in a World of Empire and Jim Crow (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), chapter 3.Google Scholar

49. On Guillen’s visit to Montevideo, see Augicr, Angel Nicolás Guillen (Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1971), pp. 291–99.Google Scholar

50. “Hacia una confederación de sociedades negras,” Nuestra Raza (April 1947), pp. 3–4. On the effort, eventually unsuccessful, to pass an anti–discrimination law in Cuba, see Fuente, de la A Nation for All, pp. 231–47.Google Scholar

51. “¡Crimen!” Nuestra Raza (Feb. 1948), p. 3.

52. On Diggs’s career, see Lynn Bolles, A. “Ellen Irene Diggs: Coming of Age in Atlanta, Havana, and Baltimore,” in Harrison, Ira E. and Harrison, Faye V. eds., African-Ameri can Pioneers in Anthropology (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999), pp. 154–67.Google Scholar

53. “Gran recepción en la A. Cultural y Social Uruguay,” Revista Uruguay (August 1946), p. 13; “Sala de candombe,” Revista Uruguay (Sept.–Oct. 1946), p. 5.

54. “Al margen de una apreciación,” Nuestra Raza (Jan. 1947), pp. 5–6; “Sobre un reportaje,” Nuestra Raza (March 1947), pp. 6–7; “Una expresión franca y sincera de la Dra. Ellen I. Diggs,” Revista Uruguay (March 1947), p. 9; see also “Miss Irene Diggs habla para nuestras lectoras,” Revista Uruguay (Dec. 1946), p. 5.

55. “Al margen de una apreciación,” Nuestra Raza (Jan. 1947), pp. 5–6. For more positive responses to Diggs’s comments, see “El negro y su problema” and “Una expresión franca y sincera de la Dra. Ellen I. Diggs,” Revista Uruguay (March 1947), pp. 5, 9.

56. On Brazil, see Seigel, Micol Uneven Encounters: Making Race and Nation in Brazil and the United States (Durham: Duke University Press, 2009), pp. 179–205; on Cuba, Guridy, Forging Diaspora.Google Scholar

57. On lynchings, see “Apuntes de mi cartera,” La Vanguardia (15 Sept. 1928), p. 1; “Crímenes de Icsa–humanidad,” Nuestra Raza (Jan. 1934), pp. 4–5; “Lynchamiento del negro Friday,” Nuestra Raza (June 1934), p. 6; “El lynchamiento,” Nuestra Raza (June 22, 1935), p. 8; “Casos de barbaric,” Nuestra Raza (30 Jan. 1938), pp. 9–10; and others. On segregation, see “Democráticamente… ,” Nuestra Raza (23 Nov. 1934), p. 2; “La ‘linea de color’ no ha sido rota,” Nuestra Raza (30 March 1939), p. 2; “La raza negra y la guerra,” Nuestra Raza (July 1945), pp. 4–5; “Pedido de los negros de Estados Unidos,” Revista Uruguay (May 1946), p. 6; “El negro de los Estados Unidos,” Revista Uruguay (July 1947), pp. 4–5; “Problema racial en América,” Rumbo Cierto (July–Aug. 1945), p. 7.

58. “Del proceso Scotsboro [sic],” Nuestra Raza (June 1934), p. 6; “Recibimos y publicamos,” Nuestra Raza (26 Jan. 1935), p. 2. On the Scottsboro case, see Carter, Dan Scottsboro: A Tragedy of the American South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979);Google Scholar Goodman, James Stories of Scottsboro (New York: Random House, 1994).Google Scholar

59. “De nuevo en la brecha,” La Vanguardia (15 Jan. 1928), p. 1; “Insistiendo,” La Vanguardia (15 July 1928), p. 3.

60. “Noticias,” La Propaganda (19 Nov. 1893), p. 3.

61. “La población de la raza negra en los EE.UU.” Nuestra Raza (30 April 1938), pp. 3–4; “La cultura del negro yanqui,” Nuestra Raza (30 July 1940), pp. 10–12; “Visita a ‘Father Divine’,” Nuestra Raza (30 May 1939), pp. 3–4; “La barriada negra de Harlem,” Nuestra Raza (30 April 1942), pp. 6–8. It is unclear where Nuestra Raza got those figures; the US census of 1940 counted only 13,500 black teachers and 17,000 black clergy. United States Department of Commerce, Sixteenth Census of the United States: 1940, Population (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943), vol. 3, p. 88.

62. “Un tema interesante,” La Verdad (IS Dec. 1912), p. 1. This conclusion did not prevent the paper from publicizing courses offered by Club Social 25 de Agosto, aimed at preparing high school students to enter the university. “Centros y sociedades,” La Verdad (15 Jan. 1913), p. 2.

63. “Booker Taliaferro Washington,” Nuestra Raza (30 July 1940), pp. 1–2; for English original, see Harlan, Louis R. and Smock, Raymond W. eds., The Booker T. Washington Papers (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977), vol. 7, p. 93.Google Scholar See also “Boocker [sic] T. Washington,” La Vanguardia (29 Feb. 1928), pp. 1–2. Washington had considerable impact in Cuba as well, where the US occupation government commissioned and distributed a widely read transía tion of his autobiography, Up from Slavery. During the early 1900s dozens of Afro–Cuban and Afro–Puerto Rican students enrolled at Tuskegee. Guridy, Forging Diaspora, chapter 1.

64. On Davis, “Un general negro en los Estados Unidos,” Nuestra Raza (2$ Dec. 1940), p. 8; Google Scholar on Hastie, “Henry Hastie [sic], gobernador negro,” Nuestra Raza (Jan. 1946), p. 11;Google Scholar “Gobernador de color,” Revista Uruguay (May 1946), p. 6.

65. On this period of black mobilization throughout the Atlantic world, see Manning, Patrick The African Diaspora: A History through Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), pp. 283–334.Google Scholar

66. “La dirección,” Bahia-Hulan lacks (May 1958), pp. 1–4. The paper was initially called Bahia-Hulan yacks, then Bahia-Hulan-Tacks, then Bahia-Hulan-yack, before finally settling on Bahia-Hulan-yack.

67. Unfortunately, that salary did not prevent Jack from accepting bribes from a real estate developer. He was convicted of bribery and obstruction of justice in 1960 and removed from office. See his autobiography, Jack, Hulan Edwin Fifty Tears a Democrat (New York: New Benjamin Franklin House, 1980).Google Scholar

68. “La dirección,” “Una de tas constelaciones negras de los Estados Unidos del Brasil,” “¡Loado sea el General Dwight Eisenhower!” Bahia-Hulan lacks (May 1958), pp. 1–4, 9–12.

69. “El sentido humorístico de Jose de Patrocinio,” “Los negros de Nueva York corren hacia Minerva,” “Gran novedad internacional,” “Las tendencias negrecidas de las frustadas [sic] fraternidades socio-universitarias del Sur,” Bahia-Hulan-Yacks (Sept. 1958), pp. 3–11.

70. On Mundo Afro, see Ferrcira, Luis El movimiento negro en Uruguay (1988–1998): Una version posible (Montevideo: Ediciones Étnicas, 2003);Google Scholar Rodríguez, Romero Jorge Racismo y derechos humanos en Uruguay (Montevideo: Ediciones Étnicas, 2003).Google Scholar

71. See for example “Benin: Un pueblo en busca de su destino,” “El Africa contemporanea: La Declaración de Arusha,” “Côte d’Ivoire: Las hazañas pasadas viven en el pueblo,” Mundo Afro (Aug. 1988), pp. 11–14; “Namibia: El estado 51 de Africa,” special supplement, Mundo Afro (Nov. 1988); “La visita de Ukon Uya,” “Winnie Mandela: La fuerza de una mujer,” “Cuando los tambores dicen Amandla,” “Las majestuosas paredes del gran Zimbabwe,” “Poetas africanos,” Mundo Afro (Nov. 1988), pp. 16–17, 25–27, 32–34; and others.

72. José María Silva, “Entre libres y opresores” (1989), Sarabanda, “Lubolos 1987,” Archivo Histórico Municipal, Montevideo. In the same file, see “Candombe calypso” and “Mandela.” Interview, Alfonso Pintos, Montevideo, 26 Nov. 2001.

73. Frigerio, Alejandro Cultura negra en el Cono Sur: Representaciones en conflicto (Buenos Aires: Ediciones de la Universidad Católica Argentina, 2001), p. 119.Google Scholar

74. Frigerio, Cultura negra, p. 118.Google Scholar

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76. “Movimiento de los negros de Los Palmares,” Mundo Afro (Aug. 1988), pp. 18–19.

77. “Cinco mil coboverdeanos en Argentina,” Mundo Afro (Aug. 1988), p. 5; “Santa Fé vence al olvido,” Mundo Afro (Aug. 1993), pp. 10, 12.

78. “Los afrouruguayos hicieron la cultura nacional,” Mundo Afro (25 Jan. 1998), pp. 4–6.

79. Butler, Kim D. “Defining Diaspora, Refining a Discourse,” Diaspora 10:2 (2001), pp. 189–219;CrossRefGoogle Scholar quotations from pp. 195, 207, 208.

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81. Philippe, Dewitte, Les movements nègres en France, 1919–1939 (Paris: Editions L’Harmattan, 1985);Google Scholar Tyler, Stovall, Paris Noir: African Americans in the City of Light (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1996);Google Scholar Petrine, Archer-Straw, Negrophilia: Avant-Garde Paris and Black Culture in the 1920s (New York: Thames&Hudson, 2000);Google Scholar Brent Hayes, Edwards, The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2003).Google Scholar

82. Michael, Gomez, Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 2;Google Scholar Manning, The African Diaspora, p. 4. See also Lisa, Brock et al., eds., “Transnational Black Studies,” Radical History Review 87 (2003);Google Scholar Erica, Ball et al., eds., “Reconceptualizing the African Diaspora,” Radical History Review 103 (2009);Google Scholar Yelvington, Kevin A., ed., Afro–Atlantic Dialogues: Anthropology in the Diaspora (Santa Fe: School of American Research Press, 2006).Google Scholar

83. On contacts and exchanges within the circum-Caribbean, see Julius, Scott, “A Common Wind: Currents of Afro–American Communication in the Age of the Haitian Revolution” (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1986);Google Scholar Brock, and Castañeda, Fuertes, Between Race and Empire; Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth–Century America (London and New York: Verso, 1998);Google Scholar Rebecca, J. Scott, Degrees of Freedom: Louisiana and Cuba after Slavery (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005);Google Scholar Candelario, Ginetta E.B., Black Behind the Ears: Dominican Racial Identity from Museums to Beauty Shops (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Guridy, , Forging Diaspora; Jane Landers, Atlantic Creoles in the Age of Revolutions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010).Google Scholar On Brazil, see Kristin Mann, and Bay, Edna G., Rethinking the African Diaspora: The Making of a Black Atlantic World in the Bight of Benin and Brazil (London: Frank Cass, 2001);Google Scholar Lorand, J. Matory, Black Atlantic Religion: Tradition, Transnationalism, and Matriarchy in the Brazilian Candomblé (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 2005);Google Scholar Seigel, Uneven Encounters.

84. On this point, see titles cited in previous note.

85. Probably the greatest such disappointment was the poor showing of the Partido Autóctono Negro (PAN), a racially defined political party organized in 1936. On the PAN, see Rodríguez, , Mbundo malungo, pp. 131–43;Google Scholar Andrews, Blackness in the White Nation, chapter 3.

86. See for example the images of Africa conveyed in Carnival songs and reviews written for various comparsas from the 1950s through the 1980s by Afro–Uruguayan composer Hugo Alberto Balle and others. Those songs are available in the “Lubolos” files at the Archivo Histórico Municipal, Montevideo.