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Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Beginning of a Dynasty*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Francis A. Dutra
Francis A. Dutra*
Affiliation:
University of California, Santa Barbara
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Extract

In the early 1620s, D. Luis de Sousa, a former governor-general of Brazil, complained to the Crown about the inhabitants of Pernambuco and their unreliability as witnesses in matters affecting the Albuquerque Coelho family. The colony’s population, he charged, “consists of relatives, friends, followers, and dependents of Duarte de Albuquerque [the fourth donatário or lord-proprietor] and justice officials nominated by him; and because of their land grants and the quitrents they pay to him, they are all his subjects.”

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 29 , Issue 4 , April 1973 , pp. 415 - 441
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1973

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Footnotes

*

The following abbreviations have been adopted in the footnotes:

Research for this article was done with the aid of a NDEA-Fulbright Fellowship which enabled me to spend ten months in the Iberian peninsula in 1965–1966 and a grant from the Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian which allowed me to visit Portugal during the Spring and Summer of 1971. I am also indebted to Professors John Fagg and Carleton Sprague Smith of New York University, Harry Bernstein of City University of New York, José Antônio Gonsalves de Mello of the Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, and Philip W. Powell of the University of California, Santa Barbara for their comments on various drafts of this article.

References

1 Livro Primeiro do Govêrno do Brasil, 1607–1633 (Rio de Janeiro, 1958), p. 335 Google Scholar. Sousa’s remarks were occasioned by his conflict with Matias de Albuquerque, governor and capitão-mor of Pernambuco, who was directing the captaincy during his brother Duarte’s absence. Matias and Duarte de Albuquerque Coelho were Duarte Coelho’s grandsons.

2 Marchant, Alexander, “Feudal and Capitalistic Elements in the Portuguese Settlement of Brazil,” HAHR, XXII (1942), p. 511 Google Scholar; “Sobre la tutoria de los hijos de Jorge d’Albuquerque,” 11 May 1608, AGS, Sect. Prov., lib. 1465, fols. 175–181v.

3 Though Duarte Coelho Pereira was clearly one of the outstanding figures in the sixteenth-century Portuguese world, relatively little has been written about his life. No studies deal adequately with his background and youth. Coelho’s actions in the Far East, however, are briefly summarized by Macgregor, Ian A., “Notes on the Portuguese in Malaya,” JMBRAS, XXVIII (1955), pp. 36–39 Google Scholar. In addition to the pioneering effort of Methodio Maranhão, Duarte Coelho e a Colonização de Pernambuco (Recife, 1935), two studies stand out for Coelho’s years in Brazil. The best narrative attempt is Costa Porto, Duarte Coelho (Rio de Janeiro, 1961). Though based solely on printed works, it gives a sober and penetrating analysis of the five extant letters of Duarte Coelho to the King written from 1542 to 1550. A definitive edition of these letters recently has been provided by José Antônio Gonsalves de Mello and Cleonir Xavier de Albuquerque. Their CDC contains facsimile copies of the letters with paleographic transcriptions and a modern reading. In addition, Gonsalves de Mello contributed a masterly introduction and excellent notes based on careful and thoughtful use of Portuguese and Brazilian archival materials. CDC supercedes the earlier collection of letters in HCP, III, 313–321.

4 See, for example, Gonsalves de Mello, José Antônio, “Duarte Coelho” in Serrão, Joel (ed.), Dicionário de História de Portugal, 4 vols. (Lisbon, 1963–1971), I, 603 Google Scholar. Pedro de Azevedo’s account and the chief documents in BNL are found in HCP, III, 194.

5 The six prominent Gonçalo Coelhos are listed and discussed in HCP, II, 300–308. For Duarte Coelho, the architect and engineer, see Sousa Viterbo, Francisco Marques , Diccionario Historico e Documental dos Architectos, Engenheiros e Constructores Portugueses ou a Serviço de Portugal, 3 vols. (Lisbon, 1899–1922), I, 215–216 Google Scholar and Peres, Damião (ed.), História de Portugal. Edição Monumental, 9 vols. (Barcelos, 1928–1937), IV, 458 Google Scholar. HCP, III, 195 contains information about the Duarte Coelho who captained the caravel Santa Cruz.

6 The late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-centuries produced such classic examples of this phenomenon as D. Marcos Teixeira, bishop of Bahia during the Dutch invasion of 1624, whose biographical sketches often included not only his exploits but also those of a fellow inquisitor from Evora, and D. Diogo de Meneses, the ninth governor-general of Brazil, whose administrative achievements have been multiplied by confusing him with a colleague who governed the Algarve. Less understandably, the deeds of Matias de Albuquerque, the younger brother of Pernambuco’s fourth donatàrio, all too frequently have been merged with those of a relative, Matias de Albuquerque Maranhão.

7 BNM, lib. 2362, fol. 96.

8 BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140.

9 AGS, Sect. Prov., lib. 1536, fols. 238–239. This is all the more surprising since the fourth donatário traditionally has been considered the author of the marginal notes found on several manuscript folios tracing the history of the Albuquerque Coelho family. One of these annotations claimed that eight people stepped forward to swear that a Gonçalo Coelho was the father of Duarte Coelho Pereira. BNL, Fundo Geral, 1031, fols. 149V-155.

10 3 vols. (2nd ed.; Coimbra, 1921–1930), II, 213–214.

11 HCP, II, 308n.

12 HCP, III, 194.

13 ANTT, Chancelaria de João III, Doações, liv. 35, fol. 75v.

14 Stone, Lawrence , “The Inflation of Honours, 1558–1641,” Past & Present, no. 14 (November, 1958), pp. 45, 47 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Machado, Diogo Barbosa, Bibliotheca Lusitana Histórica, Critica e Cronologica, 4 vols. (3rd ed.; Coimbra, 1965–1967), I, 568 Google Scholar. The first edition appeared 1744–1759. Alão de Morais is described as an “insigne Genealogista, para cujo estudo discorreo por muitos Cartorios dos Mosteiros e Camaras da Provincia do Minho, de que extrahio importantes noticias conducentes às Familias de que fallava, onde o amor da verdade lhe faz descobrir alguns defeitos indignos de que os soubesse a posteridade.”

16 Cândido, Antônio, “Literature and the Rise of Brazilian National Self-Identity,” Luso-Braztlian Review, V: 1 (1968), p. 37 Google Scholar.

17 Sousa, Frei Luis de, Anais de D. João III, ed. Rodrigues Lapa, M. (2nd ed.; Lisbon, 1951), II, 85, 238 [bk. IV, ch. xix]Google Scholar. Frei Luis was commissioned to write this life of João III by Philip IV (III of Portugal) in 1627 and had access to the Albuquerque Coelho’s family papers.

18 Macgregor, , JMBRAS, XXVIII (1955), pp. 36–39 and the sources cited thereGoogle Scholar. See also the Jesuit author of “Conquista da India per humas e outras armas reaes e evangelicas,” Documentação Ultramarina Portuguesa, 5 vols, to date (Lisbon, 1960–1967), I, 267–632 Google Scholar. For Coelho’s wealth, see note 45 below.

19 Sousa, Frei Luis de, Anais, II, 238 Google Scholar.

20 I, 215. A letter of 18 March 1529, reproduced by Sousa Viterbo, described the Duarte Coelho sent to Africa as a “pesoa que amdou muyto tempo em Italia.…” Frei Luis de Sousa, Anais, II, 85–86, wisely admitted that he did not know whether the Duarte Coelho mentioned in the North African inspection episode was the future donatário of Pernambuco. But cf. the note of Abreu, Capistrano dein Varnhagen, Francisco Adolfo de, História Geral do Brasil, Antes da Sua Separação e Independência de Portugal, 5 vols. (7th integral ed.; São Paulo, 1962), I, 143 Google Scholar and Azevedo, Pedro de in HCP, III, 194 Google Scholar.

21 The date of Garcês’ appointment is given in Sousa, Frei Luis de, Anais, II, 229 Google Scholar. In his “Compendio” Duarte de Albuquerque Coelho reported: “Despues [sic] destas dos Jornadas de Duarte Cuello, y endo en Romeria a la milagrosisima ymagen de nuestra Señora de Monserrate, le llegó horden del Rey al camino para que fuese a asistir a la embaxada de Francia por houerse muerto en aquel tiempo el embaxador … [blank] Garces: De muchas cartas de Duarte Cuello para el Rey, que estan en el Archivo Real de la Torre del Tombo, se bebien el conocimiento que el tuuo del humor de Francia y de su nacion.” BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140, fols. 208–208v. However, Albuquerque Coelho confused the sequence of events. Duarte’s diplomatic mission preceded his services on the two expeditions discussed below.

22 King to Ataíde, , Montemor-o-Novo, , 5 May 1531, Ford, J. D. M., Letters of John III, King of Portugal, 1521–1557 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931), pp. 16–17 Google Scholar.

23 The date of Ataíde’s departure for France is given in Sousa, Frei Luis de, Anais, II, 229–230 Google Scholar. Ataíde’s instructions are published in Ford, Letters of John III, pp. 7–16 Google ScholarPubMed. For a summary of the “Jean Ango Affair” which dealt primarily with French interference with Portuguese shipping, see ibid., pp. xix-xxiii as well as HCP, III, 79–82.

24 Coelho, Albuquerque, “Compendio,” BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140, fol. 207v. Cf. the alvará of 1 August 1531, HCP, III, 194–195 Google Scholar. Also see BNL, Fundo Geral, 1031, fol. 154.

25 Details of the second expedition are found in the following: Sousa, Frei Luis de, Anais, II, 233–234 Google Scholar; Coelho, Albuquerque, “Compendio,” BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140, 207V-208; the letters of the King to Conde da Castanheira, all from Evora and dated 21, 25, 26 January, 3, 8, February and 1 March of 1533, Ford, Letters of John III, pp. 69–70; 73–75; 76–78; 81–83; 91–92; 106–107 respectivelyGoogle Scholar. Excerpts from some of these letters are published in HCP, III, 161–164.

26 BNM, lib. 2362, fol. 96 states Duarte Coelho married D. Brites “hija de Lope de Albuquerque, cabellero que su caudal era su nobleça y no mas, este dio en dote a la nouia.”

27 Freire, Braamcamp, Brasões, II, 192–199, discusses the lineage of the Albuquerque familyGoogle Scholar.

28 Santos, Frei Manuel dos, Monarquia Lusitana, VIII, 518, cited by Freire, Braamcamp, Brasões, II, 198 Google Scholar.

29 For a genealogical table showing some of the more prominent Albuquerques serving in Asia, see Macgregor, , JMBRAS, XXVIII, 18 Google Scholar. Cf. Freire, Braamcamp, Brasões, II, 212a Google Scholar.

30 Freire, Braamcamp, Brasões, II, 198–201 Google Scholar and Macgregor, , JMBRAS, XXVIII, 17–19 Google Scholar.

31 Freire, Braamcamp, Brasões, II, 212 Google Scholar. Lopo’s exploits in North Africa were chronicled by Gomes Eanes de Azurara, Chronica do Conde D. Pedro (p. 500) for Ceuta, and Chronica do Conde D. Duarte (p. 343) for Arzila. Cited in Braamcamp Freire, Brasões, II, 198. The second and third donatários of Pernambuco and the latter’s younger son fought in North Africa.

32 Coelho, Albuquerque, “Compendio,” BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140, fol. 210 Google Scholar.

33 For Albuquerque’s, Manuel de exploits in India, see Freire, Braamcamp, Brasões, II, 213 Google Scholar, and Sousa, Frei Luis de, Anais, II, 105 Google Scholar. For death, Manuel’s, see Sousa, Padre, Memorias Sepulchraes, fol. 114v Google Scholar and Ribeiro, Vitor, A Santa Casa da Misericordia de Lisboa, p. 72 Google Scholar, both cited in Freire, Braamcamp, Brasões, II, 213 Google Scholar. Manuel de Albuquerque is mentioned several times in Duarte Coelho’s letters from Brazil.

34 Little has been written about Matias de Albuquerque, viceroy of India. An interesting MS account of his exploits in India and the Far East is found in BNL, Fundo Geral, 482. The role of the former viceroy in caring for the children of the third donatário of Pernambuco is discussed in: AGS, Sect. Prov., lib. 1465, fols. 175v-181v; BNL, Fundo Geral, 1555, fol. 326; ANTT, Chancelaria de Filipe II, Privilégios, liv. 2, fol. 13; and Pegas, Manuel Alvares, Tractatus de Exclusione, Inclusione, Successione, & Erectione Maioratus, 5 vols. (Lisbon, 1735–1739), IV, 478–487 Google Scholar. Matias de Albuquerque died on 4 March 1606. See ANTT, Chancelaria de Filipe II, Doações, liv. 10, fol. 161v.

35 Much of what is known regarding Albuquerque, Jerônimo de is found in Salvador, Frei Vicente do, História do Brasil, 1500–1627, ed. Abreu, Capistrano de, Garcia, Rodolfo, and Wílleke, Frei Venâncio O.F.M. (5th ed.; São Paulo, 1965), pp. 129, 133, 135–137, 184, 196–198 Google Scholar. Cf. the letter of Jerônimo de Albuquerque to King, Olinda, 28 August 1555, HCP, III, 380–381. Antônio José Victoriano Borges da Fonseca, Nobiliarchia Pernambucana, 2 vols. (Rio de Janeiro, 1935), II, 349–462, traces the lives of many of the descendants of the “Pernambucan Adam.”

36 doação, Duarte Coelho’s and foral, have been reprinted many times. The most accessible is probably in HCP, III, 309–313 Google Scholar. Bradford Burns, (ed.), A Documentary History of Brazil (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966), pp. 33–50 Google Scholar, provides an English translation of these important documents. Pereira da Costa, Francisco Augusto, Anais Pernambucanos, 10 vols. (Recife, 1951–1966), I, 161–167 Google Scholar, gives an excellent summary of the doação and foral.

37 Excerpts from this letter can be found in Varnhagen, , História Geral, I, 120 Google Scholar.

38 Latin American Civilization: Colonial Period (Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Sons, 1945), pp. 643–644 Google Scholar.

39 This was one of his favorite expressions. See his letters to the King of 14 April 1549 and 24 November 1550, CDC, pp. 96, 104.

40 CDC, p. 13.

41 Yet, as can be seen from the first donatário’s correspondence, a considerable number of letters were sent to Portugal. CDC, pp. 85, 87, 94, 95. Letters from the King to Coelho have also been lost. See, for example, CDC, p. 101.

42 At least four letters written by Nóbrega, Padre in 1551 and 1552 are no longer extant. Three of these were probably sent from Pernambuco; see Leite, Serafim (ed.), Monumenta Brasiliae, 4 vols. (Rome, 1954–1960), I, 271, 296 Google Scholar

43 Little more than Albuquerque’s, Jerônimo de letter of 1555 (cited in note 35 above) and that of Gonsalves, Afonso to King, 10 May 1548, HCP, III, 317–318, have survivedGoogle Scholar.

44 See Abreu’s, Capistrano de comments in Salvador, Frei Vicente do, História do Brasil, p. 99 Google Scholar.

45 The date of Duarte Coelho’s arrival in his captaincy is found in copies of Olinda’s foral of 1537. See Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, I, 191 Google Scholar. Cf. the document published in HCP, III, 155. Details of the Portuguese preparations, the voyage, and the landing in Brazil are discussed in Frei Vicente do Salvador, História do Brasil, p. 129. Duarte de Albuquerque Coelho, “Compendio,” BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140, fol. 209v, stated: “No dilató mucho Duarte Coello el poner en execucion este servicio que no fue delos menos considerables.” Furthermore, he added that the donatário invested heavily in the expedition, “partiendo con gran caudal.” Frei Luis de Sousa, Anais, II, 238, has the following remark: “Indo a povoar este capitania, levou a ela sua mulher D. Brites de Albuquerque e seus filhos e muitos parentes; e gastou em a povoar muita cópia de dinheiro que trouxe da India.” Though Sousa, Gabriel Soares de, Tratado Descritivo do Brasil en 1587, ed. Varnhagen, Francisco Adolfo (4th ed.; São Paulo, 1971), p. 58 Google Scholar (ch. xvi) also States that Duarte Coelho brought “his wife and children” to Pernambuco, I have found no record of Duarte having any children by D. Brites de Albuquerque before leaving for Brazil. There is, however, a strong possibility that they were fathered during Coelho’s tour of duty in the Far East. See Sousa, Frei Luis de, Anais, II, 234 Google Scholar.

46 A copy of Olinda’s foral is printed in Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, I, 187–193 Google Scholar. However, as Gonsalves de Mello points out, no sixteenth-century copies of the text have come to light. All post-date 1654 and have substantial differences. Of the five extant manuscript copies, the earliest is dated 1675 and is found in AHU, Pernambuco, Papéis Avulsos, caixa 6 (another dated 1723 is found in caixa 39 of the same archive). According to Gonsalves de Mello, the copy used by Pereira da Costa is dated 1822 and is found in the Instituto Arqueológico Pernambuco, estante A, gaveta 4. See CDC, pp. 26, n. 36 and p. 111, n. 36.

47 CDC, pp. 20–23, clears up much of the mystery and confusion regarding Igaraçu and Santa Cruz. For Gonsalves, Afonso, see Salvador, Frei Vicente do, História, p. 129 Google Scholar.

48 A good discussion of brazilwood and the problems of early Brazil is found in Marchant, Alexander, From Barter to Slavery. The Economic Relations of Portuguese and Indians in the Settlement of Brazil, 1500–1580 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1942), pp. 28–80 Google Scholar.

49 Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 15 April 1549, CDC, pp. 99–100 Google Scholar.

50 Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 27 April 1542, CDC, p. 85 Google Scholar.

51 Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 20 December 1546, CDC, pp. 87–88 Google Scholar.

52 Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 15 April 1549, CDC, p. 97 Google Scholar. According to the calculations of Gonsalves de Mello, the extant Brazilian letters of Duarte Coelho contain the following:

The subjects treated at greatest length:

Terms of Doação and Foral (letters of 1549 and 1550)—247 lines (26.1%).

Brazilwood Exploitation (letters of 1546 and 1549)—162 lines (17.1%).

Judicial Norms (letter of 1546)—61 lines (6.4%).

[Unauthorized] Attacks on Coastal Indians (letter of 1546)—49 lines (5.2%).

Failure of the Southern Captaincies (letter of 1546)—39 lines (4.1%).

Degredados (letter of 1546)—33 lines (3.5%).

CDC, p. 11 [percentages mine].

53 For example, Jorge de Albuquerque’s petition regarding brazilwood in ANTT, Chancelaria de Filipe I, Doações, liv. 30, fol. 324v. Also, see the many references to brazilwood in Pernambuco (especially the brazilwood scandals) in AHU, Pernambuco, Papéis Avulsos, caixa 1. Many of these are briefly described by Gonsalves de Mello in his typewritten guide to the Pernambucana in the AHU, a copy of which is in the Archive. Also, see AHU, Bahia, Papéis Avulsos, caixa 1. The latter have been catalogued by Fonseca, Luiza da in Anais do Primeiro Congresso de História da Bahia, 5 vols. (Bahia, 1950), II, pp. 7 Google Scholar ff. In addition, there are a good number of documents in the Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon referring to brazilwood in Pernambuco. These are summarized in Carlos Alberto Ferreira, Inventário dos Manuscritos da Biblioteca da Ajuda Referentes à America do Sul (Coimbra, 1946).

54 AGS, Sect. Prov., lib. 1510, fol. 46, and ibid., lib. 1513, fol. 106.

55 CDC, pp. 85–86.

56 Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 24 November 1550, CDC, p. 104 Google Scholar. For a discussion of the location of these engenhos, see Gonsalves de Mello’s note in ibid., p. 114.

57 Letter to Rodrigues, Padre Simão, Pernambuco, 11 August 1551, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 270 Google Scholar.

58 Leter to Jesuits of Coimbra, Pernambuco, 4 June 1552, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 324, 325 Google Scholar.

59 Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 15 April 1549, CDC, p. 99 Google Scholar. See also Andrade, Manuel Correia de, Economia Pernambucana no Século XVI (Recife, 1962)Google Scholar. Though use of heretofore unpublished primary materials existing in the archives of Portugal and Spain would have added immeasurably to the value of this book, Correia de Andrade’s work, nevertheless, gives the reader an enlightening survey of much of the economic activity carried on in Pernambuco during the period when the Albuquerque Coelhos were donatários.

60 CDC, p. 99.

61 CDC, pp. 99, 104.

62 CDC, p. 99.

63 CDC, p. 89.

64 Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 20 December 1546, CDC, pp. 89–90 Google Scholar. For more details, see letter of the ouvidor-geral, Pedro Borges, to João III, Porto Seguro, 7 February 1550, HCP, III, 267–269, and the sources cited in Gonsalves de Mello’s discussion of justice in Brazil, CDC, pp. 16–18.

65 CDC, p. 91.

66 Nóbrega, to King, Olinda, 14 September 1551, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 291, 293 Google Scholar. See also Frei Vicente do Salvador, História, p. 133.

67 Letter, dated Pernambuco, 2 August 1551, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 253 Google Scholar.

68 Salvador, Frei Vicente do, História, p. 133 Google Scholar.

69 Ibid., pp. 129–131; Cf. also the letter of Afonso Gonsalves to King, 10 May 1546, HCP, III, 318 and the contemporary account of Hans Staden, excerpts of which are printed in ibid., pp. 316–317. An English version of the latter is found in Staden, Hans, The True History of His Captivity, trans, and ed. Letts, Malcolm (New York, Robert M. McBride & Company, 1929), pp. 38–41 (chs. ii-iv)Google Scholar. For the Caetés and Pernambuco, see Soares de Sousa, Tratado Descritivo, p. 58 (ch. xvi) and pp. 61–63 (ch. xix).

70 Albuquerque, Jerônimo de to King, Olinda, August 1555, HCP, III, 380 and Salvador, Frei Vicente do, História, p. 135 Google Scholar.

71 HCP, III, 380–381 and Frei Vicente, História, pp. 135–137.

72 The quotation is from the memorial of Verdonck, Adriaen, 20 May 1630, Gonsalves de Mello, José Antônio, “Dois Relatorios Holandeses,” Revista do Arquivo Público, IV: 6 (1949), p. 619 Google Scholar.

73 Naufragio Que Passou lorge Dalboquerque Coelho, Capitão & Gouernador de Pernambuco (2nd ed.; Lisbon, 1601), ch. iGoogle Scholar. I have used the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro. An English translation is found in C. R. Boxer (ed.), Further Selections From the Tragic History of the Sea, 1559–1565 (Cambridge, 1968), pp. 114–116. To make certain that there would be no more uprisings in the tidewater regions of his captaincy as well as to satisfy the demand for more fertile lands for the cultivation of sugar, Duarte Coelho de Albuquerque renewed warfare against the Indians after his brother Jorge’s departure for Portugal in 1565. See Frei Vicente do Salvador, História, pp. 196–199. Widespread Portuguese settlement in Serinhaém was delayed while the peaceful Indians who occupied that section of the captaincy were ruthlessly uprooted by the second donatàrio. Ibid., p. 197.

74 Capistrano de Abreu’s dissenting view is found in Varnhagen, História Geral, I, 187. But a reading of the Jesuit letters cited in this article clearly reveals how widespread inter-racial contacts were in Pernambuco and how the donatário did little or nothing to hinder them. For specific examples of this miscegenation, see de Almeida Prado, J. F., Fernambuco e as Capitanias do Norte do Brasil, 1530–1630, 4 vols. (São Paulo, 1939–1942), III, 71–75 Google Scholar.

75 Letter of 14 September 1551, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 293.

76 Mendoça, Heitor Furtado de, Primeira Visitação do Santo Officio às Partes do Brasil. Denunciações de Pernambuco, 1593–1595 (São Paulo, 1929), p. 74:Google Scholar “… Manuel d’Oliveira mamaluco que dizem ser filho bastardo de Jorge de Albuquerque e de huma India mestiça deste Brasil filha de jndio da India e de brasilla o qual ora dizem posuar em casa do guardes vigario da Varzea.…” Gossip mongers might also want to make insinuations about Jorge’s female slave, Antônia, who accompanied him on his return to Portugal in 1565. See Naufragio Que Passou lorge Dalboquerque, ch. xiii.

77 Nóbrega to Jesuits of Coimbra, 13 September 1551, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 284–285 Google Scholar.

78 The deeds of Albuquerque Maranhão, Jerônimo de are detailed in Salvador, Frei Vicente do, História, pp. 401–411 Google Scholar. For those of Cavalcanti, Filipe, see Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, I, 611–614 Google Scholar.

79 Salvador, Frei Vicente do, História, pp. 132–133 Google Scholar.

80 Letter of 13 September 1551, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 284.

81 Ibid., pp. 285–287.

82 Letter of 14 September 1551, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 290.

83 Pires to Jesuits of Coimbra, Pernambuco, 4 June 1552, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 325 Google Scholar.

84 Ibid., p. 323.

85 Leite, Serafim, História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil, 10 vols. (Rio de Janeiro, 1938–1950), I, 477–479 Google Scholar.

86 Oliveira Lima, Manuel de, Pernambuco. Seu Desenvolvimento Histórico (Leipzig, 1895), p. 18 Google Scholar.

87 “História de la Fundación del Collegio de la Capitania de Pernambuco,” ABNRJ, XLIX, 10 Google Scholar.

88 Ibid., p. 9 and Leite, História da Companhia, I, 473, 476.

89 Olinda, 14 September 1551, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, I, 291.

90 Leite felt that Oliveira Lima’s interpretation was “precipitous and unjust” and a product of his youth. História da Companhia, I, 478n. For Padre Luis da Grã’s comment, see his letter to Ignatius of Loyola, Bahia, 27 December 1554, Leite, Monumenta Brasiliae, II, 138. There were, however, seventeen Jesuits in Brazil before Duarte Coelho’s death. For their names, see Leite, História da Companhia, I, 560–561.

91 Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 15 April 1549, CDC, p. 95 Google Scholar.

92 For a new reading of these important documents, see Iria’s, Alberto careful transcription in Anais do IV Congresso de História Nacional. 13 vols. (Rio de Janeiro, 1950–1952), II, 45–110 Google Scholar. Iria’s work supercedes the earlier collection of regimentos in HCP, III, 345–359.

93 See note 52 above.

94 The petition accompanied the donatário’s letter of 15 April 1549, CDC, p. 98.

95 Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 24 November 1550, CDC, p. 102 Google Scholar.

96 Ibid., pp. 102, 103.

97 Letter of 18 July, HCP, III, 362.

98 See letter of Coelho, Duarte to King, Olinda, 24 November 1550, CDC, p. 101 Google Scholar.

99 HCP, III, 362.

100 The date of Duarte Coelho’s departure for Portugal is not known for certain, though there is good evidence that he left Pernambuco before mid-1553. In his “Compendio,” Duarte de Albuquerque Coelho, who is not sure of the exact date of his grandfather’s death, states that he died shortly after his arrival in Lisbon and was buried in the tomb of Manuel de Moura. BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140, fol. 210. Most historians following Santa Maria Jaboatão, Frei Antônio de, Novo Orbe Seràfico Brasilico, Chronica dos Frades Menores da Provincia do Brasil, 5 vols. (2nd ed.; Rio de Janeiro, 1858–1862), I, Parte Ia, 143, have accepted 7 August 1554 as the date of Duarte’s deathGoogle Scholar. But, as Costa Porto argues in his Duarte Coelho, pp. 10–11, there is much better evidence for 1553. Frei Vicente do Salvador, História, p. 133, reported: “Vendo Duarte Coelho que a terra estava quieta e os moradores contentes, determinou ir-se a Portugal com seus filhos, deixando o govêrno da capitania a seu cunhado Hyeronimo de Albuquerque em companhia da irmã [D. Brites].” Jerônimo, in a letter of August 1555, informed the King that he had been fighting Indians for two years. See HCP, III, 380. On the other hand, Frei Vicente, História, p. 135, claimed that one of the reasons for the Indian uprising after the period of calm was that the first donatário was no longer in his captaincy. If Jerônimo were correct in reporting that he had been fighting the Indians for two years, this clearly would place the date of Duarte Coelho’s departure and death in 1553.

101 Though, according to Frei Vicente, História, p. 133, Duarte Coelho planned to take his sons with him, Albuquerque Coelho stated specifically that they were left in Pernambuco. See BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140, fol. 210.

102 For the first donatário’s surviving children, see BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140, fol. 210, and Frei Vicente do Salvador, História, p. 129. Traditionally, 1537 has been accepted for the younger Duarte’s birthdate. Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, I, 463 Google Scholar. Two eighteenth-century writers, Machado, Barbosa, Bibliotheca Lusitana, II, 790 Google Scholar, and Jaboatão, , Novo Orbe Seráfico Brasilico, I, 147 Google Scholar, give 23 April for Jorge’s birthday. Naufragio Que Passou lorge Dalboquerque, ch. i, states that Jorge was twenty years old in 1560. Prado, Almeida, Pernambuco, I, 312 Google Scholar, challenges the claims of Frei Vicente do Salvador and Duarte de Albuquerque Coelho that the first lord-proprietor of Pernambuco had a daughter and that she married one of the Mouras: “Foi F. Vicente do Salvador quem inventou este casamento, notícia repetida pelos autores que recorreram aos mesmos informantes, ou que o copiaram fielmente.” But Almeida Prado offers no evidence for his assertion. Though Frei Vicente could have erred, it is unlikely that Albuquerque Coelho would have perpetuated a myth about a non-existent aunt. Jerónimo de Moura was still alive in 1565. See Naufragio, ch. xiii.

103 For Jorge’s military training and the presence of Duarte Coelho’s two sons in Portugal during part of the 1550s, see Naufragio, ch. i. The management of Pernambuco is discussed in Salvador, Frei Vicente do, História, pp. 133, 135 Google Scholar. For the departure of the second donatário and the post-1572 period, see Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, I, 401, 439 Google Scholar. Jaboatão, Novo Orbe Seràfico Brasilico, I, 146, has led historians astray by stating that Jorge de Albuquerque Coelho returned to Pernambuco from 1572 to 1576. It is quite clear, however, that Jorge was in North Africa and the Mediterranean during these years. See AGS, Sect. Prov., lib. 1456, fol. 50; BNL, Coleção Pombalina, 140, fols. 250–250v; Rebelo, Amador S. J., Crónica de El-Rei Dom Sebastião, ed. Ferreira de Serpa, A. (Oporto, 1925), p. 38 Google Scholar.

104 Mistreatment of Indians along with his poor handling of the Padre de Ouro episode seem to have led to the second donatário’s recall. Salvador, Frei Vicente do, História, p. 199 Google Scholar. Warfare with the Indians is discussed in ibid., pp. 184–185, 196–199 Google ScholarPubMed and Naufragio Que Passou lorge Dalboquerque, ch. i. Soares de Sousa, Tratado Descritivo, p. 58 (ch. xvi), stated that the second lord-proprietor “lhe fêz guerra, maltratando e cativando neste gentio, que é o que se chama caeté.” For the dissension among the leaders of Pernambuco, see “História de la Fundación del Collegio de la Capitania de Pernambuco,” ABNRJ, XLIX, 14. The Padre de Ouro is discussed in Leite, História da Companhia, I, 480–484. Pernambuco on the eve of the second donatário’s departure is described by Pero de Magalhães de Gandavo, The Histories of Brazil, trans. John B. Stetson, Jr. (New York, The Cortes Society, 1922), pp. 33–34 and 132–133. The Histories of Brazil includes the English translations of Tratado da Terra do Brasil and História da Provincia de Santa Cruz. For the state of the Pernambucan economy in 1584, see Cardim, Tratado, pp. 294–296.

105 The second donatário never married. Captured along with his brother after the battle of Alcacer Kebir (1578), he died several years later, after being ransomed, but before reaching Portugal. He was succeeded by Jorge de Albuquerque who ran the captaincy from Portugal until his death in 1601. Though Jorge’s older son, Duarte de Albuquerque Coelho, the fourth donatário did not arrive in his captaincy until 1631, Pernambuco was governed during most of the 1620s by Matias de Albuquerque, the lord-proprietor’s brother.