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Forced and Forbidden Sex: Rape and Sexual Freedom in Dictatorial Guatemala

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2015

David Carey Jr.
David Carey Jr.*
Affiliation:
University of Southern Maine, Portland, Maine
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Extract

As the sun was setting on December 12, 1907, the 16-year-old Tecla Xicay and her sister Inocenta were returning to their village of Tonajuyu, San Martín Jilotepeque (henceforth San Martín), in highland Guatemala when a portly ladino with a thin blonde mustache jumped out from behind a gate, took off his shoes, and attempted to rape Tecla. When she resisted, he hit her twice in the neck and then stabbed her in the back as she fled. Illiterate and monolingual speakers of Kaqchikel-Maya (henceforth Kaqchikel), the sisters recounted their harrowing ordeal through an interpreter the next day in Chimaltenango's municipal court. Apparentiy eager to escape the grasp of the state and ladino world, the two indigenous women did not tarry in Chimaltenango. Despite the military surgeon's insistence that Xicay be admitted to the hospital to cure her open wound, she refused, saying she would take care of it herself. Ladino and patriarchal in their design and operation, institutions such as courts and hospitals that held the potential to assist indigenous women often alienated them.

Type
New School Lecture
Information
The Americas , Volume 69 , Issue 3 , January 2013 , pp. 357 - 389
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2013 

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References

I want to thank John Watanabe, David McCreery, Bill Taylor, Eric Zolov, and the two anonymous reviewers for The Americas, their critiques helped me to clarify and deepen my arguments. Ron Levere sharpened and formatted the Gaceta images. The University of Southern Maine (USM), Marion Jasper Whiting Foundation, and American Historical Association funded the research. The 2009–2010 USM Trustee Professorship afforded me the time to write the first draft.

1. Archivo General de Centro América [hereafter AGCA], índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1907, legajo [leg.] 7e, expediente [ex.] 7.

2. Throughout Latin America, rape conviction rates tended to be low. See for example Christiansen, Tanja Disobedience, Slander, Seduction, and Assault: Women and Men in Cajamarca, Peru, 1862–1900 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004), p. 128;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Putnam, Lara E. “Work, Sex, and Power in a Central American Export Economy at the Turn of the Twentieth Century,” in Gender, Sexuality, and Power in Latin America Since Independence, French, William E. and Bliss, Katherine Elaine eds. (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Little-field Publishers, 2007), pp. 148–149,Google Scholar 153; and Bliss, Katherine Elaine and Blum, Ann “Dangerous Driving: Adolescence, Sex, and the Gendered Experience of Public Space in Early Twentieth-Century Mexico City,” in Gender, Sexuality, and Power in Latin America Since Independence, pp. 168–Google Scholar 69,180,182. By contrast, in early republican Peru nearly half of the accused rapists were convicted; see Chambers, Sarah C. From Subjects to Citizens: Honor, Gender, and Politics in Arequipa, Peru, 1780–1854 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999), p. 211;Google Scholar and by the same author, “Private Crimes, Public Order: Honor, Gender, and the Law in Early Republican Peru,” in Honor, Status, and Law in Modern Latin America, Caulfield, Sueann Chambers, Sarah C. and Putnam, Lara eds. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005), p. 39.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. As Catherine Komisaruk points out, historians’ and archivists’ methods and contemporary scribes’ choice of words often occlude the study of rape, see “Rape Narratives, Rape Silences: Sexual Violence and Judicial Testimony in Colonial Guatemala,” Biography 31:3 (Summer 2008), pp. 379, 390, 392–393 n.6. Incidents of rape appear in documents labeled for other crimes. For one such example, see AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1916, leg. 17c, ex. 53. Since notaries sometimes mislabeled rape as lesiones (injuries), amenazas(threats), or raptos, and occasionally litigants described sexual violence in their testimonies even though the proceedings were about another crime, I cast a wide archival net. Of the thousands of judicial records from Chimaltenango’s department court from 1900 to 1925, I closely examined 166. Fifteen of these specifically dealt with rape. Given the 119 cases categorized or co-categorized as estupro or violación in the docket index, this sample represents 12.6 percent of the total. Taking into account the sexual violence litigation that was not categorized as such, the sample size is probably closer to 10 percent of all cases dealing with rape in the Chimaltenango Juzgado de Primera Instancia.

4. Forster, Cindy “Violent and Violated Women: Justice and Gender in Rural Guatemala, 1936–1956,” Journal of Women’s History 11: 3 (1999), p. 58 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed (quote); Forster, , In the Time of Freedom: Campesino Workers in Guatemala’s October Revolution (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2001), p. 68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5. I am grateful to Chris Lutz for sharing his copies of Jefatura Politica of Sacatepéquez documents with me.

6. Poole, Deborah “Introduction: Anthropological Perspectives on Violence and Culture—A View from the Peruvian High Provinces,” in Unruly Order: Violence, Power, and Cultural Identity in the High Provinces of Southern Peru, Poole, Deborah ed. (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1994), p. 8;Google Scholar Forster, , “Violent and Violated Women,” pp. 59,Google Scholar 72; and Forster, , Time of Freedom, p. 36.Google Scholar

7. ACCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1900, leg. 1G, ex. 78; Caulfield, , “Getting Into Trouble: Dishonest Women, Modern Girls, and Women-Men in the Conceptual Language of Vida Policial, 1925–1927,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19: 11 (Autumn 1993), p. 160;Google Scholar Chambers, , “Private Crimes,” pp. 27,Google Scholar 31 ; Piccato, Pablo City of Suspects: Crime in Mexico City, 1900–1931 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001 ), p. 126;Google Scholar and Diaz, Arlene Female Citizens, Patriarchs, and the Law in Venezuela, 1786–1904 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), p. 219.Google Scholar

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9. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1911, leg. 12e, ex. 43. See also AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1911, leg. 12d, ex. 44.

10. Komisaruk, , “Rape Narratives, Rape Silences,” p. 374.Google Scholar

11. See for example Christiansen, , Disobedience, p. 128.Google Scholar At times however, judges continued trials even if women refused to submit themselves to gynecological exams; see Chambers, , Subjects to Citizens, p. 211.Google Scholar

12. Christiansen, Disobedience, pp. 7, 93, 116, 120, 136, 137.

13. Grandin, Greg The Blood of Guatemala: A History of Race and Nation (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000), pp. 162–164;Google Scholar McCreery, David Rural Guatemala 1760–1940 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), p. 171;Google Scholar Piccato, City of Suspects, Little, Walter E. “A Visual Political Economy of Maya Representations in Guatemala, 1931–1944,” Ethnohistory 55: 4 (Fall 2008): pp. 633–663;Google Scholar and Caulfield, , “Getting Into Trouble,” p. 166.Google Scholar

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15. Carey, David Jr., Engendering Mayan History. Kaqchikel Women as Agents and Conduits of the Past (New York: Routledge, 2006), pp. 108–118,Google Scholar 185–186.

16. La Caceta, March 29, 1931. See also La Gaceta, July 26, 1942.

17. Dominga Currichiche por presunciones de abandono de hogar, December 23, 1937, AGCA Jefatura Política, Chimaltenango [hereafter JP-C] 1937. Estupro comes from the Latin stuprum meaning disgrace or defilement.

18. Indio was a pejorative term used to denigrate Mayas, though at times indigenous litigants used it to play upon the very stereotypes it conjured.

19. Dominga Currichiche por presunciones de abandono de hogar. December 23, 1937, AGCA, JP-C 1937.

20. See for example AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango 1911, leg. 12e, ex. 31.

21. Lavrin, Asunción “Sexuality in Colonial Mexico: A Church Dilemma,” in Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, Lavrin, Asunción ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), p. 71.Google Scholar

22. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango 1917, leg. 18c, ex. 37.

23. Ibid.

24. See for example Nuestro Diario, October 30, 1944.

25. Ibid.; Impacto, October 23, 1977.

26. El Impaniai, November 18, 1944.

27. In seven trials in the sample, the victims’ and perpetrators’ ethnicity were the same. In two cases, one litigant’s ethnicity was indeterminable.

28. To facilitate judicial proceedings, witnesses often waived their right not to testify against family members. Sec for example AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1900, leg. lg, ex. 76.

29. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1914, leg. 15d, ex. 58.

30. Carta al juez de paz de Maximiliano Girón, September 28, 1933, AGCA JP-C 1933.

31. Ibid.

32. See for example Carta a la Jefatura Política de Martín Saqche, June 15, 1939, AGCA Jefatura Política, Sacatepéquez (hereafter JP-S) 1939.

33. Forster, , “Violent and Violated Women,” p. 58 Google Scholar (quote); Carey, David Jr., I Ask for Justice: Maya Women, Dictators, and Crime in Guatemala, 1898–1944 (Austin: University of Texas Press,CrossRefGoogle Scholar forthcoming), chapt. 5; and Black, Chad Thomas The Limits of Gender Domination: Women, the Law, and Political Crisis in Quito, 1765–1830 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010), pp. 228,Google Scholar 231–232, 243–244 .

34. Forster, , Time of Freedom, p. 68.Google Scholar

35. Komisariik, , “Rape Narratives, Rape Silences,” pp. 372–73,Google Scholar 388’91; Chambers, , Subjects to Citizens, p. 211;Google Scholar Castañeda, Carmen Violación, estupro y sexualidad. Nueva Galicia 1790–1821 (Guadalajara: Editorial Hexágono, 1989);Google Scholar Sáenz, Eugenia Rodríguez “‘Tiyita Bea lo Que me Han Echo’: Estupro e Incesto en Costa Rica (1800–1850),” in El paso de la cometa: Estado, política social y culturas populares en Costa Rica (1800–1950), Steven Palmer, Iván Molina Jiménez y eds. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Porvenir/Plumstock Mesoamerican Studies, 1999), pp. 19–45;Google Scholar and Christiansen, , Disobedience, p. 176.Google Scholar

36. Diaz, , Female Citizens, p, 211;Google Scholar Bliss, and Blum, , “Dangerous Driving,” pp. 168–169,Google Scholar 180, 182; and Piccato, , City of Suspects, p. 126.Google Scholar

37. See for example Mercedes Ajbal vs. Alejandro Patzan, March 22,1933, AGCA, JP-C 1933, leg. 76; and Frailan Sanún vs. Pedro Esquit, April 24, 1944, Archivo Municipal de Patzicia [hereafter AMP], paquete [paq.] 45, Ramo Civil II 1.1.

38. Escritos presentados por las personas a la Municipalidad de San Martín Jilotepeque, 1927, AGCA, JP-C 1927, leg. 70A.

39. For an example of the role honor played in rape cases elsewhere in Latin America see Christiansen, , Disobedience, pp. 93, 115, 117–118.Google Scholar

40. Ibid., p. 117.

41. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango 1917, leg. 18c, ex. 31.

42. Findlay, Eileen J. “Courtroom Tales of Sex and Honor: Rapto and Rape in Late Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico,” in Honor, Status, and Law in Modern Latin America, Caulfield, Sueann Chambers, Sarah C. and Putnam, Lara eds. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005), pp. 212–219;Google Scholar Diaz, Arlene “Women, Order, and Progress in Guzmán Blanco’s Venezuela, 1870–1888,” in Crime and Punishment in Latin America, Salvatore, Ricardo D. Aguirre, Carlos and Joseph, Gilbert M., eds. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), p. 72;Google Scholar Hiinefeldt, Christine Liberalism in the Bedroom: Quarreling Spouses in Nineteenth-Century Lima (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), p. 187;Google Scholar Socolow, Susan Migden “Women and Crime: Buenos Aires, 1757–97’,” Journal of Latin American Studies 12: 1 (1980) pp. 39–54;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Diaz, , Female Citizens, p. 209.Google Scholar

43. Komisaruk, , “Rape Narratives,” p. 375;Google Scholar Forster, , Time of Freedom, p. 35.Google Scholar

44. Memoria de la Dirección General de la Policía Nacional, presentada al Ministro de Gobernación y Justicia (Guatemala City: Tipografía Nacional, 1926–1944); Forster, , Time of Freedom, p. 35;Google Scholar and Forster, , “Violent and Violated Women,” pp. 59–60.Google Scholar

45. Correspondencia de juzgado de primera instancia por captura de Demetrio Santizo, April 23,1934, AMP, paq. 127; Libro de Conocimientos Criminales de Juzgado de Paz, April 11, 1936, and August 13, 1936, AMP, paq. 127; Carta al alcalde de Patzicía de Felipa Sirin, May 14, 1926, AMP, Ramo Civil II, paq. 45; AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1901, leg. 2f, ex. 42; AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1907, leg. 7e, ex. 7; AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango 1917, leg. 18, ex. 46; AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango 1917, leg. 18, ex. 17; and AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1920–1925, leg. 21, ex. 8.

46. Carta al jefe político de San Lorenzo el Cubo, November 13, 1933, AGCA, JP-S.

47. Komisaruk, , “Rape Narratives,” p. 376;Google Scholar Piccato, , City of Suspects, p. 126;Google Scholar Forster, , Time of Freedom, p. 70;Google Scholar Hiinefeldt, , Liberalism in the Bedroom, p. 181;Google Scholar Christiansen, , Disobedience, pp. pp. 52–53,Google Scholar 119; and Bliss and Blum, “Dangerous Driving,” p. 181. Although secular law was stricter, Canon law stipulated that men convicted of estupro marry their victims or provide a dowry; see Komisaruk, , “Rape Narratives,” p. 376.Google Scholar Until 2006 when the Guatemalan government abolished the rape law (Chapter VII, article 200 of the penal code), perpetrators of rape were exonerated if they married their victim, provided the victim was at least 12 years old.

48. Findlay, , “Courtroom Tales,” pp. 214–216;Google Scholar Hiinefeldt, , Liberalism in the Bedroom, p. 187;Google Scholar and Komisaruk, , “Rape Narratives,” p. 389.Google Scholar

49. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1900, leg. lg, ex. 78.

50. Hiinefeldt, , Liberalism in the Bedroom, p. 187;Google Scholar Chambers, , Subjects to Citizens, p. 211;Google Scholar and Christiansen, , Disobedience, p. 128.Google Scholar

51. Código Penal de la República de Guatemala, (Guatemala City: Establecimiento Tipográfico “La Unión,” 1889), p. 68; Código Penal, ley de notario y otras leyes de importancia (Guatemala: Tipografia Nacional, 1936); and Publicaciones de la Secretaria de Gobernación y Justicia, Código Penal y de procedimientos penales de la República de Guatemala (Guatemala: Tipografia Nacional, 1941), p. 65. Of the 119 cases involving rape in Chimaltenango between 1900 and 1925, 10 [8 percent] involved both estupro and violación.

52. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1911, leg. 12e, ex 43.

53. Ibid.

54. Burns, Kathryn “Notaries, Truth, and Consequences,” American Historical Review 110: 2 (April 2005), pp. 350–379.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

55. Carey, I Ask for Justice, chapt. 4.

56. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1911, leg. 12e, ex 43.

57. Ibid.

58. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1920–1925, leg. 21, ex. 8. Unrequited love often turned violent; to cite another example, in response to Maria Lopez's rejection, Victoriano Cabuach showed up at her family’s home with a shotgun and shot her father in the ensuing struggle. See AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1910, leg. 11, ex. 29.

59. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango 1900, leg. lg, ex 78.

60. The Spanish word pues is a placeholder that can be translated as “well” when it appears at the beginning of a phrase, and as “then,” “okay?” or “y’know?” at the end of a phrase. At the end of a phrase, pues could also be translated as a tag question such as “don’t I?” or “aren’t I?” or “isn’t it?” 1 thank ]udie Maxwell for helping me understand these linguistic subtleties.

61. Premarital sex was also common in late nineteenth-century Venezuela and Peru and early twenti-eth-century Cuba. See Diaz, , Female Citizens, pp. 225–226,Google Scholar 228; Christiansen, , Disobedience, pp. 116–117,Google Scholar 175; and Menéndez, Nina “Garzonasy Feministas in Cuban Women’s Writing of the 1920s: La vida manda by Ofelia Rodriguez Acosta,” in Sex and Sexuality in Latin America, Balderston, Daniel and Guy, Donna J. eds. (New York: New York University Press, 1997), pp. 175,Google Scholar 179.

62. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango 1911, leg. 12d, ex 44: “[N]o usó de su persona y que antes la ha hecho con su voluntad con su amante Fermín Coj.”

63. Ibid. “[U]só de la persona de la Atz, siendo él el primero que hizó uso de ella.”

64. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1914, leg. 15, ex. 35.

65. Martínez-Alier, Verena Marriage, Class, and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba: A Study of Racial Attitudes and Sexual Values in a Slave Society (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1974);Google Scholar Christiansen, , Disobedience, pp. 7,Google Scholar 53, 120, 135, 137; Hiinefeldt, , Liberalism in the Bedroom, p. 180;Google Scholar Stern, Steve J. The Secret History of Gender: Women, Men, & Power in Late Colonial Mexico (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), p. 96;Google Scholar and Socolow, , “Women and Crime,” p. 47.Google Scholar

66. Findlay, , “Courtroom,” p. 208;Google Scholar Kellogg, Susan Weaving the Past: A History of Latin America’s Indigenous Women from the Prehispanic Period to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 97;Google Scholar and Christiansen, , Disobedience, p. 136.Google Scholar

67. For exceptions to this trend see Forster, Time of Freedom; and Carey, Engendering Mayan History.

68. Stern, , Secret History of Gender, p. 319.Google Scholar

69. Farge, Oliver La II and Byers, Douglas The Tear Bearer’s People (New Orleans: Tulane University, 1931), p. 88.Google Scholar

70. Bunzel, Ruth, Chichicastenango ([1952]; Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967), p. 26 Google Scholar nl8.

71. Forster, , Time of Freedom, p. 67.Google Scholar

72. Findlay, , “Courtroom Tales,” p. 210 Google Scholar (quote); Diaz, , Female Citizens, pp. 225–228.Google Scholar

73. La Gaceta, March 19, 1933.

74. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango 1917, leg. 18, ex. 46.

75. Ibid.

76. Delgado, Jessica “Sí’n Temor de Dior. Women and Ecclesiastical Justice in Eighteenth-Century Toluca,” Colonial Latin American Review 18: 1 (April 2009), p. 103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

77. Ibid.

78. Forster, , Time of Freedom, p. 64.Google Scholar

79. Código Penal de la República de Guatemala (1889), p. 68.

80. AMP, paq. 24, February 24, 1923.

81. Hiinefeldt, , Liberalism in the Bedroom, p. 184;Google Scholar Piccato, , City of Suspects, pp. 124–125;Google Scholar Christiansen, , Disobedience, pp. 123–124;Google Scholar and Johnson, Lyman L. “Dangerous Words, Provocative Gestures, and Violent Acts: The Disputed Hierarchies of Plebeian Life in Colonial Buenos Aires,” in The Faces of Honor: Sex, Shame, and Violence in Colonial Latin America, Johnson, Lyman L. and Lipsett-Rivera, Sonya, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), p. 146.Google Scholar

82. AGCA, indice 116, Chimaltenango, 1916, leg. 17c, ex. 53.

83. Forster, , Time of Freedom, pp. 64,Google Scholar 70–71; Christiansen, , Disobedience, pp. 130;Google Scholar and Stern, , Secret History of Gender, pp. 165–167.Google Scholar

84. La Gaceta, July 26, 1942.

85. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1916, leg. 17c, ex. 53.

86. Forster, , Time of Freedom, p. 68.Google Scholar

87. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1916, leg. 17c, ex. 53.

88. Ibid.

89. Even in the second half of the twentieth century, the typewriter was a powerful image for many Mayas. See Menchú, Rigoberta I, Rigoberto Menchú: An Indian Woman in Guatemala, Burgos-Debray, Elisabeth, ed. (London: Verso, 1995), p. 32.Google Scholar

90. Carta al jefe político de Sacatepéquez de Tomasa Pérez, February 24, 1931, AGCA, JP-S 1931.

91. Ibid.

92. Carta de Mercedes Ajbal, March 22, 1933, AGCA, JP-C 1933, leg. 76; Piccato, , City of Suspects, p. 120;Google Scholar Wertheimer, John W. “Gloria’s Story: Adulterous Concubinage and the Law in Twentieth-Century Guatemala,” Law and History Review 24: 2 (Summer 2006), p. 388;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Diaz, , Female Citizens, pp. 70,Google Scholar 209; Bliss, and Blum, , “Dangerous Driving,” p. 180;Google Scholar and Delgado, , “Sin Temor de Dios,” p. 109.Google Scholar For other definitions of rape in Latin America see Kellogg, , Weaving the Past, p. 197 nl5.Google Scholar

93. Código Penal de la República de Guatemala (1889), p. 68 (arts. 325 and 326); Publicaciones de la Secretaria de Gobernación y Justicia, Código Penal (1941), p. 65 (arts. 331, 332).

94. Carta al jefe político de Sacatepéquez de Tomasa Pérez, February 24, 1931, AGCA, JP-S 1931.

95. Ibid.

96. AGCA, índice 116, Chimaltenango, 1900, leg. lg, ex. 76.

97. La Gaceta, November 16, 1941.

98. La Gaceta, February 23, 1933.

99. Bliss, and Blum, , “Dangerous Driving,” pp. 163–164.Google Scholar

100. La Gaceta, February 23, 1933, February 5, 1933, and January 21, 1941.

101. La Gaceta, March 29, 1931.

102. La Gaceta, January 22, 1933.

103. La Gaceta, February 5, 1933, February 23, 1933, November 16, 1941, and August 16, 1942; Chambers, , Subjects to Citizens, p. 212;Google Scholar Chambers, , “Private Lives,” p. 40;Google Scholar and Diaz, , Female Citizens, pp. 209–211.Google Scholar

104. Código Penal de la República de Guatemala (1889), p. 68 (art. 324); Publicaciones de la Secretaría de Gobernación y Justicia, Código Penal (1941), p. 66.

105. La Gaceta, March 19, 1933, March 16, 1941, March 26, 1933, December 21, 1941, July 26, 1942, August 2, 1942, December 6, 1942, and December 20, 1942.

106. Código Penal de la República de Guatemala (1889), p. 68 (art. 326); Publicaciones de la Secretaría de Gobernación y Justicia, Código Penal (1941), p. 65.

107. Estadística, Dirección General de (DGE), Censo de la República de Guatemala 1921 (Guatemala City: Talleres Gutenberg, 1924);Google Scholar DGE, “Quinto censo general de población levantado el 7 de abril de 1940” (Guatemala, June 1942), p. 214. Because Ubico altered the data from the 1940 census, its figures are unreliable. As such, I generally refrain from using it except to provide a rough estimate (which is likely high) of the ladino population during Ubico’s reign. For more on census data, see Smith, Carol, “Beyond Dependency Theory: National and Regional Patters of Underdevelopment in Guatemala,” American Ethnologist 5: 3 (August 1978), p. – n24CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an argument that ethnic identity in census data more closely reflects the liberal state’s goal of simplifying the ethnic diversity of the colonial era into two ethnic categories rather than rec-ognizing the ethnic diversity in rural and remote Guatemala, see Little-Siebold, Todd “‘Where Have All the Spaniards Gone’ Independent Identities: Ethnicities, Class, and the Emergent National State,” The Journal of Latin American Anthropology 6: 2 (2001), pp. 106–133.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

108. Komisaruk, , “Rape Narratives,” pp. 377–378.Google Scholar

109. Findlay, “Courtroom Tales.”

110. Sáenz, Rodriguez “‘Tiyita Bea lo Que me Han hecho,’” p. 21.Google Scholar

111. Ibid., p. 40.

112. Stern, , Secret History of Gender, p. 97.Google Scholar

113. Komisaruk, , “Rape Narratives,” p. 381;Google Scholar Castañeda, , Violación, p. 21.Google Scholar