Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
The evolution of the historical literature on land tenure in northern New Spain has closely paralleled general historiographical trends of New Spain's far northern frontier. For many years, “borderlands” history focused almost exclusively upon the study of those institutions which have been stereotyped as peculiar to the frontier, the mission and the presidio; upon political and administrative history; or upon biographies of notable figures. These studies laid important foundations, but, in general, borderlands historians were slow to adopt the social science methodologies of the new social and economic history which became popular in the 1960s in most fields of historical inquiry. Well after both its Anglo and Hispanic progenitors began to be studied from a perspective which emphasized social and economic structures and relationships, did the geographical area which corresponds to the Provincias Internas (all of today's border states plus Sinaloa, Durango and Baja California) begin to receive similar attention. Thus, our understanding of the social and economic history of the region is still rudimentary, and this is nowhere more evident than in the area of landholding patterns and agrarian development.
The author would like to thank Donna Guy, Murdo MacLeod, Michael C. Meyer and David Weber for commenting on earlier drafts of this article.
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19 “Mexican Rural History,” pp. 31–33. The most complete agrarian studies which analyze the interrelationship of a wide variety of social and economic factors are those which Van Young terms “regional.”
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38 These works include Robert West’s study of Parral’s mining economy, Phillip Hadley’s book on the mining society of Chihuahua, Michael Swann’s primarily demographic work on late colonial Durango, Bradley Benedict’s dissertation on the expropriated properties of the Jesuit Colegio de Chihuahua, and my doctoral thesis on the socioeconomic status of Jesuit missions in mid-eighteenth century Durango, southern Chihuahua, and eastern Sinaloa; see notes 2 and 3 above.
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42 Various autos in this case, February 21-27, 1667, Archivo de Hidalgo de Parral, University of Arizona Microfilm (hereinafter ΑΗΡ), reel 1724B, fr. 731–756.
43 See note 41.
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47 Chevalier has argued that small creole or mestizo landholders were at the particular mercy of large landholders in the seventeenth century if they had no links to towns whose statutes could afford legal protection. (Land and Society, pp. 220–226), but the continued existence of smaller landholdings from the seventeenth to the eighteenth centuries has also been documented; see Tamarón, Pedro y Romeral, , Demostración del vastísimo obispado de la Nueva Vizcaya, 1765, ed. by Robles, Vito Alessio (México, 1937)Google Scholar; and Deeds, , “Rendering unto Caesar,” pp. 163–204.Google Scholar
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51 Although I am not familiar with particular archives in other areas, presumably similar documentation is available.
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55 A good summary of this process is found in Florescano, , “Foundation and Economic Structure,” pp. 182–188.Google Scholar
56 The periodization has of course been questioned for other areas of Mexico as well; Young, Van, “Mexican Rural History,” pp. 5–8.Google Scholar