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On the Importance of Being Honorable: Masculinity, Survival, and Conflict in the Backlands of Northeast Brazil, Ceará, 1840s-1890*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
Extract
On the night of June 24, 1874, the illiterate farmer Francisco Angelino de Souza attended a St. John's party in the house of João Pereira, located in the estate Barra do Felipe in the largely rural municipality of Jucás, province (now state) of Ceará in Northeast Brazil. The celebrations unfolded uneventfully, with the guests singing to the rhythms of a viola (small guitar, typical of the Northeastern backlands) and drinking the sugarcane brandy called cachaça until late in the night. However, unexpectedly, a fight erupted between Francisco Angelino and António Rodrigues de Souza. According to eyewitnesses, Francisco Angelino stabbed António's leg with his knife after he had “offended” Francisco Angelino's reputation. In the midst of this commotion, one of the party guests performed an in flagrante arrest, taking an indignant Francisco Angelino to jail, while he clamored at the top of his lungs that he “was not afraid of any man, or even of being jailed, because he had a bull, a horse, lands and money” to defend himself.
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- Research Article
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- Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2007
Footnotes
*
I am grateful to Donna Guy, B. J. Barickman, Ingrid Tague, Mike Gibbs, and the anonymous reviewers at The Americas for their insightful comments on earlier versions of this essay. I also thank Peter Beattie and Mary Ann Mahony for their helpful suggestions on an earlier version of this paper, which was presented at the Conference on Latin American History meeting in Seattle in January 2005. Any errors of fact or interpretation are my responsibility. Generous support from the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation, the Department of History of the University of Arizona, the Center for Multicultural Excellence and the Department of History of the University of Denver made possible the research and writing of this article.
References
1 Jucás, Crime, 3:14, 43, 1874, Arquivo Público do Estado do Ceará (hereafter, APEC).
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10 Roseberry, William called for an approach that takes material context seriously in analyses of culture when he discussed culture as both “socially constituted” (a product of present and past experience and “socially constitutive” (part of the meaningful context in which activity takes place) in his Anthropologies and Histories (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1989), p. 42.Google Scholar
11 Cearense, which is used throughout this essay, refers to a resident of Ceará. As an adjective, the term means having to do with or relative to Ceará.
12 For an in-depth discussion of the pressures affecting the lives and strategies of survival of sertanejos during the late nineteenth century, see Santos, Martha Sofia, “‘Sertões Temerosos’ (Menacing Backlands): Honor, Gender, and Violence in a Changing World. Ceará, Brazil, 1845–1889,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Arizona, 2004), chaps. 3, 4, and 5.Google Scholar
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14 The surviving land registries housed at the APEC are in an advanced state of deterioration, which creates many difficulties in working with them. There are almost no complete registries and sizeable sections of each registry are destroyed. These facts forced me to work with those that were in better state, particularly those from Russas and Ipu. These municipalities, in turn, lacked large collections of post-mortem inventories. Thus, I verified the information from the land registries with that presented in post-mortem inventories from Jucás, a township that possessed a greater number of complete and readable post-mortem inventories for the period under study.
15 To identify men who appear in criminal cases in class terms, I have relied on an analysis of their stated occupation, surname (absence or presence of distinctive surnames associated with locally influential families), and degree of literacy. It is true that illiteracy was widespread in the sertão, even among some members of the elite. Nevertheless, I have observed in court cases and other documents that even when illiterate, or partially illiterate, wealthier sertanejos more often than not represented themselves as literate. Thus, in this study, illiteracy, along with occupation, and surname serve as proxies for poverty.
16 Guabiraba, Célia, Ceará: A crise permanente do modelo exportador (Fortaleza: Instituto da Memória do Povo Cearense, 1989), pp. 13–41 Google Scholar; de Sousa Brasil, Thomaz Pompeu, Ensaio estatistico da provincia do Ceará, 2 vols. (Fortaleza: Typographia de B. de Mattos, 1863), vol. 1, pp. 296–359,Google Scholar and “Desenvolvimento e estado das industrias,” in Falla … do Presidente … Joaquim Da Costa Barradas … à Assembléia Provincial do Ceará (Fortaleza: Typographia Economica, 1886), pp. 36–57; Girão, Raimundo, História econômica do Ceará (Fortaleza: Editora Instituto do Ceará, 1970), pp. 218–19;Google Scholar Cunniff, Roger, “The Great Drought: Northeast Brazil, 1877-1880” (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at Austin, 1970), pp. 81, 103.Google Scholar
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19 Sesmarias were land grants of one to three leagues in extent, or between 16.7 and 50.1 square miles, that the Portuguese crown awarded as incentives to wealthy and influential colonists.
20 Sampaio, Yony, “Formação territorial do Nordeste,” paper presented at the International Congress of the Latin American Studies Association, Guadalajara, April 1997, pp. 6–9.Google Scholar
21 Sampaio, , “Formação,” pp. 4–5 Google Scholar; de Aquino, Aécio Villar, Aspectos históricos e sociais da pecuária na caatinga paraibana (Mossoró: Escola Superior de Agricultura de Mossoró, 1987), pp. 50, 62–63.Google Scholar See also Bandeira, Luiz Alberto Moniz, O feudo: A Casa da Torre de Garcia d’Ávila (Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2000).Google Scholar
22 Portuguese inheritance laws allowed primogeniture only in a few cases. Otherwise, they established a system of partible or equal inheritance. These laws remained valid in Brazil, with minor modifications, until 1917. See Lewin, Linda, Surprise Heirs, 2 vols. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003).Google Scholar
23 During the period between 1822 and 1850, when the Brazilian Parliament failed to implement any land legislation, “effective occupation” or squatters’ possession rights continued to be used as recourse to legislate occupation of public lands. This legal recourse was authorized in the Ordenações Filipinas, a Portuguese code of laws passed in 1603. On “effective occupation” and the ineffectiveness of the Land Law of 1850, see for example, Junior, Manoel Diegues, População e propriedade da terra no Brasil, (Washington, D.C.: Secretaria Geral, Organização dos Estados Americanos, 1959), pp. 22–23 Google Scholar; Dean, Warren, “Latifundia and Land Policy in Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” HAHR 51:4 (November 1971), pp. 606–625 Google Scholar; Naro, Nancy Priscilla Smith, “Customary Rightholders and Legal Claimants to Land in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1870-1890,” The Americas 48:4 (April 1992), pp. 485–517.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the extent of public land occupation in Ceará, see Ofício 32, 21 December 1861, ofício 34, 30 December 1861, Ofícios do Governo da Província do Ceará ao Ministério da Agricultura, 1861-1872, ala 19, est. 404, liv. 144, APEC.
24 Jucás, Inv., 2, 87: 1-25, 1830-1845; Arrol., 1, 39: 1-10, 1826-1856, APEC; see also Alemão, Francisco Freire, “Papéis da Expedição ao Ceará,” Anais da Biblioteca Nacional 81 (1961), p. 246.Google Scholar
25 Registro de Terras (hereafter RT), Freguesia de Nossa Senhora do Rosário da Vila de São Bernardo de Russas, 1855, liv. 28, APEC.
26 One braça is equivalent to 2.2 meters. One league measures approximately 6,600 meters. Also note that the 133 entries mentioned here represent the legible fraction of the portion of the Russas’ land registry that was available for consultation at the APEC during my research trip of 2001–02.
27 See, for example, RT, São Gonçalo da Serra dos Cocos, Comarca do Ipu, in RT, Freguesia da Sen-hora de Santa Ana da Telha, liv. 35; RT, Freguesia de Santa Quitéria, Liv. 33; Jucás, DT, 2,69-A: 5,1850;. Jucás, DT, 2, 69-A: 17, 1869; Jucás, DT, 2, 69-A: 19, 1864, APEC; see also, Sampaio, “Formação,” p. 6; Cunniff, “The Great Drought,” pp.16-18.
28 While land size is relative and dependent on other conditions, I have relied on Linda Lewin’s consideration of rural properties of less than 101 hectares in the caatinga-agreste of Paraíba in the 1920s as small and mid-size, and on Catharine LeGrand’s assessment of farms of up to 100 hectares as small in the Colombian coffee frontier during the nineteenth century. See Lewin, Linda, Politics and Parentela in Paraíba: A Case Study of Family-Based Oligarchy in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 72–73;Google Scholar and LeGrand, Catharine, Frontier Expansion and Peasant Protest in Colombia, 1830–1936 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986), p. 222.Google Scholar To determine the relative size of holdings used for cattle, I have relied on Carlos Mayo’s study of land tenure patterns in the Buenos Aires pampas during the late colonial period. In it, Mayo demonstrates that establishments of a half league or less were considered small and mid-size for cattle-producing regions, since they could only reproduce less than ninety head of cattle a year. According to Andrade, ten hectares of land are necessary to support one head of cattle in the sertão. Hence, the estates measuring half a league of frontage in Russas could support 108 head of cattle if they were half a league wide, and 217 head, if they were one league wide. See Mayo, Carlos, Estancia y sociedad en la Pampa (Buenos Aires: Biblios, 1995), pp. 37–46;Google Scholar Andrade, , The Land and People, p. 158.Google Scholar
29 RT, São Gonçalo da Serra dos Cocos, APEC.
30 These calculations are based on a sample of fifty post-mortem inventories for the period between 1830 and 1859.
31 Abraça of grazing land averaged at Rs $666 (US $ 0.33), whereas manioc land could cost between Rs 2$000 (US $ 1.00) and Rs 5$000 (US $ 2.50) per braça. The average price of a pregnant cow at the same time was about Rs. 15$000 (US $ 7.50). See Sousa Brasil, Ensaio estatístico, 1: pp. 378, 394 and Jucás, Inv„ 2, 87: 1–25, 1830–1845; Arrol., 1, 39: 1–10, 1826–1856, APEC.
32 da Silva Paulet, Antonio José, “Descripção geografica abreviada da Capitania do Ceará,” R1HGB 60 (1897), p. 79;Google Scholar Gardner, , Travels, p. 234;Google Scholar Cunniff, , “The Great Drought,” p. 21. “A questão alimenticia II,” Cearense, 11 December 1857, p. 2; “A questão alimeticia III,” Cearense, 15 December 1857, p. 2.Google Scholar
33 Brasil, Sousa, “Desenvolvimento,” p. 33;Google Scholar Theophilo, Rodolpho, Historia da secca do Ceará (Fortaleza: Typographia do Libertador, 1883), p. 26.Google Scholar For an analysis, based on post-mortem inventories, of the strategies of survival among smallholders in Jucás, see Santos, , “Sertões Temerosos,” pp. 84–87.Google Scholar
34 For data on the small-scale slaveholding capacity of small farmers, see Santos, , “Sertões Temerosos,” pp. 132–139.Google Scholar
35 Theophilo, , Historia da secca, p. 27.Google Scholar
36 Leite, , O algodão no Ceará, p. 66.Google Scholar
37 See, for example, Theophilo, , Historia da secca, p. 27;Google Scholar Alemão, Freire, “Papéis,” pp. 200, 211, 245, 247–48, 339;Google Scholar Brasil, Sousa, “Desenvolvimento,” p. 42.Google Scholar
38 Santos, João Brígido, Anais da Câmara dos Deputados 14 (1879), p. 538,Google Scholar quoted in Pinheiro, Francisco José, “A organização do mercado de trabalho no Ceará” (M.A. thesis, Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 1990), p. 59.Google Scholar
39 See, for example, Meznar, , “The Ranks of the Poor,” pp. 335–351;Google Scholar “Deference and Dependence,” and “Orphans and the Transition from Slave to Free Labor in Northeast Brazil: The Case of Campina Grande, 1850–1888,” Journal of Social History 27:3 (Spring 1994), pp. 499–515; Andrade, The Land and People; Leite, O algodão no Ceará; Levine, Vale of Tears, among others.
40 On the erosion of patronage ties, see, for example, Souza, Amaury de, “The Cangaço and the Politics of Violence in Northeast Brazil,” in Protest and Resistance in Angola and Brazil, ed. Chilcote, Ronald (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 109–131;Google Scholar Cunniff, , “The Great Drought,” pp. 127, 130, 153;Google Scholar Pessar, Patricia, From Fanatics to Folk: Brazilian Millenarianism and Popular Culture (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004), chap. 1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
41 On the agricultural and other tasks that women and children performed in sertanejo households, see Santos, , “Sertões Temerosos,” pp. 132–135.Google Scholar
42 Scattered evidence indicates that when women were married or in other forms of stable, but non-formalized unions, men made economic decisions or represented women in business matters. See for example RT, São Gonçalo da Serra dos Cocos, entry 988; Jucás, Crime, 6, 17: 28, 1880, APEC. On the community property regime among husbands and wives, see Lewin, Linda, Surprise Heirs I (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), pp. 29–32.Google Scholar
43 Twenty-eight criminal cases from Jucás and Tamboril detail fights and other forms of violence between men in order to defend masculine honor in parties, card games, and other arenas of male social interaction.
44 Tamboril, Crime, 4, 7: 23, 1870; see also Tamboril, Crime, 6, 9: 11, 1875; Tamboril, Crime 5, 8: 14, 1873; Tamboril, Crime, 4, 15: 26, 1865, APEC.
45 Tamboril, Crime, 4, 7: 25, 1870, APEC.
46 See Dean, , “Latifundia,” pp. 606-25;Google Scholar Sampaio, , “Formação,” p. 6.Google Scholar See also, Jucás, DT, 2.69-A, 1834-1938, Procs. 3 to 21; Jucás, Cíveis, 1-A, 2: 30, 1874; Tamboril, Cíveis, 1, 1: 35, 1864, APEC.
47 RT, São Gonçalo da Serra dos Cocos, APEC. On jointly-held lands in the sertão of Bahia, see Garcez, Angelina Rolim, Fundos de pasto: Um projeto de vida sertanejo (Bahia: Instituto de Terras da Bahia, 1987), pp. 21–37.Google Scholar
48 Dean, , “Latifundia,” pp. 606–25;Google Scholar Mattos, Hebe Maria, Das cores do silencio: Os significados da liberdade no Sudeste escravista. Brasil, século XIX, 2d ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1998), pp. 81–86;Google Scholar Naro, , “Customary Rightholders,” pp. 485–517.Google Scholar Examples of imprecise limits in land documents are RT, São Gonçalo da Serra dos Cocos, entries 439, 450, 492, 494, 818, 879 among others, APEC.
49 See, for example, Jucás, Cíveis, 1A, 2: 9, 1866; Crime, 1, 12: 4, 1865; Jucás, Crime, 1, 12: 35, 1864; Jucás, Crime, 2, 13: 14, 1870; Tamboril, Crime, 5, 8: 3, 1873; Tamboril, Crime, 6, 9: 11, 1875, APEC.
50 See, for example, Tamboril, Cíveis, 1, 1:9, 1865; Jucás, Cíveis, 1-A, 2: 19, 1869, APEC.
51 See, for example, Jucás, Crime, 1,12: 11,1864; Jucás, Crime, 1,12: 27,1865; Jucás, Crime, 2.13: 9, 1871; Jucás, Crime, 5.16: 17, 1877; Tamboril, Crime, 7, 10: 19, 1876; Jucás, Crime, 1, 12: 4, 1865; Jucás, Crime, 1,12: 35, 1864; Jucás, Crime 2, 13: 14, 1870; Jucás, Crime, 2, 13: 15, 1870; Jucás, Crime, 3, 14: 6, 1866; Tamboril, Crime, 2, 5: 19, 1864; Tamboril, Crime, 2, 5: 19b, 1864, APEC.
52 For an in-depth discussion of these problems, see Santos, , “Sertões Temerosos,” pp. 265–275;Google Scholar on patronage and dispensation of justice in Imperial Brazil, see Flory, Thomas, Judge and Jury in Imperial Brazil, 1808-1871 (Austin and London: University of Texas Press, 1981), chap. 9;Google Scholar and Graham, Richard, Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Brazil (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), pp. 22–24.Google Scholar
53 Tamboril, Crime, 6. 9: 11, 1875; Tamboril, Crime, 5, 8: 14, 1873; Tamboril, Crime 4, 15: 26, 1875, APEC.
54 Jucás, Crime, 1, 12: 27, 1863. See also, Tamboril, Crime, 5, 8: 14; Tamboril, Crime 4, 7: 19, 1871; Jucás, Crime, 1, 12: 27, 1863, APEC.
55 See, for example, Tamboril, Crime, 1,4: 16, 1843, APEC. On practices that required trust in the handling of cattle, see Julio, Silvio, Terra e povo do Ceará (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Carvalho Editora, 1936), p. 173;Google Scholar Barroso, Gustavo, Terra de sol (natureza e costumes do Norte) (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Francisco Alves, 1930), p. 201 Google Scholar; Tamboril, Crime, 2, 5: 12, 1862; Tamboril, Crime 3, 6: 8, 1865, APEC.
56 Jucás, Crime, 2, 13: 2, 1867; see also Jucás, Crime. 1, 12: 11, 1853; Jucás, Crime, 2,13: 9, 1869; Tamboril, Crime, 4, 7: 8, 1870, APEC.
57 Me dizem que eu não trabaio,/Que eu não sustento o meu brio.. /Assim mesmo preguiçoso,/Sustento muié e fio!/ No ano que eu não trabaio J Planto dez quarta de mio,/
Quando acaba inda hai quem diga,/ Que o nego veio é vadio,/ Mas eu sou é trem de ferro:/ Só corro atrás dos meus trio … “Azulão,” in Mota, Cantadores, p. 93.
58 For a discussion of the gendered pacts of obligation in sertanejo households and of the importance of the masculine roles of providers and defenders of family patrimony for backlanders see Santos, , “Sertões Temerosos,” pp. 139–156;Google Scholar Vieira, A. Otaviano Jr., Entre paredes e bacamartes: História daf família no sertão (1780-1850) (Fortaleza: Edições Demócrito Rocha; Hucitec, 2004), pp. 249–298;Google Scholar Garfield, , “Tapping Masculinity,” p. 288.Google Scholar For conceptualizations of men’s work as the fulfillment of their obligations as providers in peasant households in Spanish America, see Stern, The Secret History, chap. 4; Tinsman, Partners in Conflict, chap. 2. See also, Chambers, From Subjects to Citizens, chap. 3.
59 I am thankful to Peter Beattie for pointing me toward the connection between Nonato’s assertions that he was not a “loafer,” masculinity, and the discourse on vagrancy.
60 Paulet, , “Descripção,” p. 63;Google Scholar Foreign travelers and other observers of the sertanejos’ “vagrancy” include Avé-Lallemant, Robert, Viagem pelo norte do Brasil no ano de 1859, trans. de Lima Castro, Eduardo, 2 vols. (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1961), vol. 1, p. 341;Google Scholar Gardner, , Travels, p. 190;Google Scholar Burton, Richard, Explorations of the Highlands of Brazil, 2 vols. (New York: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1969;Google Scholar reprint, London: Tinsley Brothers, 1869), vol. 2, p. 399 (page references are to reprint edition); Koster, , Travels, vol. 2, p. 91;Google Scholar Bezerra, Antonio, Notas de viagem (Fortaleza: Imprensa Universitária, 1965 [1884]), p. 153.Google Scholar
61 See, for example, Ceará, , Relatorio (Gonçalves da Silva—Assembléia Provincial 1867), p. 10;Google Scholar “Relatorio do Chefe da Policia,” in Ceará, Relatorio (Barão de Taquary—Assembléia Provincial, 1871 ), p. 4; “Secretaria da policia do Ceará,” in Ceará, Fala (Araujo Torreão—Assembléia Provincial 1887), pp. 4-5.
62 According to the 1872 census, most of the free population of Ceará was made up of people of color, as blacks, mulattos and caboclos (individuals of European and Indian ancestry) constituted 61.1 percent of that faction of the population. Brazil, Recenseamento da população do Império do Brazil … 1° de Agosto de 1872, 21 vols. (Rio de Janeiro: 1873–76), vol. 4, p. 176. On the elite discourse on “vagrancy” in the Northeast and elsewhere in Brazil see, for example, Greenfield, Gerald Michael, “The Great Drought and Elite Discourse in Imperial Brazil,” HAHR 72:3 (1992), pp. 375–400;Google Scholar de Carvalho Franco, Maria Sylvia, Homens livres na ordem escravocrata (São Paulo: Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros, 1969)Google Scholar; de Mello e Souza, Laura, Desclassificados do ouro: A pobreza mineira no século XVIII (Rio de Janeiro: Edições Graal, 1982)Google Scholar; Kowarick, Lúcio, Trabalho e vadiagem: A origem do trabalho livre no Brasil (São Paulo: Editora Brasiliense, 1987).Google Scholar The new Brazilian scholarship that focuses on poor free populations in the Southeast and Bahia notes the relationship between their resistance to become wage laborers for large landowners and access to land. See, for example, Mattos, Das cores; Metcalf, Alida, Family and Frontier in Colonial Brazil: Santana de Parnaiba, 1580-1822 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992);Google Scholar de Castro Faria, Sheila, A Colônia em movimento: Fortuna e família no cotidiano colonial (Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1998);Google Scholar Barickman, B. J., A Bahian Counterpoint: Sugar, Tobacco, Cassava, and Slavery in the Recôncavo, 1780–1860 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998).Google Scholar
63 Scholars have noted that, during the decline of slavery, notions of racial status among the poor became destabilized, although ideologies of racial privilege did not end. In fact, according to Mattos, after the end of the transatlantic slave trade in 1850, free status and “race” by themselves were no longer enough to demonstrate superiority or racial privilege. Thus, other notions of status, such as honor, became increasingly significant. Mattos, , Das cores, pp. 32–35;Google Scholar see also, Beattie, Tribute of Blood.
64 Peter Beattie has noted the importance of these values among the honorable poor in the context of the decline of slavery and military impressment in Tribute of Blood. On the significance of autonomy and mobility as values that oriented the lives of the free poor, and that, in their own view, differentiated them from slaves see Mattos, Das côres, pp. 45–46; and Faria, A Colônia. On masculine honor as predicated on and symbolic of independence among men of lower rank in Spanish America, see Chambers, , From Subjects to Citizens, pp. 167–168;Google Scholar and Klubock, , Contested Communities, pp. 127–130.Google Scholar
65 On the usefulness of oral sources as tools to understanding categories of significance among illiterate and poor groups in Europe and elsewhere, see for example, Scribner, Bob, “Is a History of Popular Culture Possible?,” History of European Ideas 10:2 (1989), pp. 175–91;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Darnton, Robert, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York: Random House, 1985).Google Scholar
66 Mota, , Cantadores, pp. 80, 93, 149;Google Scholar; Lewin, Linda, “Who Was ‘o Grande Romano’?,” Journal of Latin American Lore 19 (1996), pp. 129–179.Google Scholar
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68 See, for example, Jucás, Crime, 4, 15: 13, 1875; Tamboril, Crime, 4, 7: 18, 1870; Tamboril, Crime, 4, 7: 4, 1869, APEC.
69 Jucás, Crime, 3, 14: 19, 1872, APEC. On the deployment of patriarchal notions of honor as a strategy through which sertanejos sought to challenge their superiors in a different context, see Garfield, “Tapping Masculinity,” pp. 305-307.
70 Meznar, , “The Ranks of the Poor,” pp. 335–351;Google Scholar Kraay, Hendrik, Race, State, and Armed Forces in Independence-Era Brazil, Bahia, 1790s-1840s (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), chap. 7;Google Scholar Levine, Vale of Tears, chap. 2; Beattie, Tribute of Blood; on the importance of patronage in the political system in Brazil at the Imperial and local levels, see for example Graham, , Patronage and Politics; Flory, Judge and Jury; Judy Bieber, Power, Patronage and Political Violence: State Building on a Brazilian Frontier, 1822–1889 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999).Google Scholar
71 See, for example, Metcalf, , Family and Frontier, pp. 136–137 Google Scholar; Faria, , A Colônia, pp. 130–34;Google Scholar Barickman, , A Bahian Counterpoint, p. 119.Google Scholar