Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
Novelist and statesman Rómulo Gallegos (1884-1969) played a key role in the emergence of Venezuelan populism, first by inscribing the populist rationale for change in a series of novels—most famously in Doña Bárbara (1929)—and later by lending his prestige to Acción Democrática (AD), the nation’s most successful populist party. A founding member of AD, Gallegos supported the coup that brought the party to power in 1945 and became the party’s standard bearer in 1947, winning Venezuela’s first presidential election based on universal suffrage and direct voting. As president, he advanced AD’s reform agenda for almost a year before the military removed him from office and imposed a reactionary dictatorship. Forced into exile, Gallegos returned to his homeland when the dictatorship fell in 1958 and spent his remaining years as a revered elder statesman and acclaimed cultural figure.
The author thanks Judy Ewell, Naomi Lindstrom and Orlando Pérez, as well as three anonymous reviewers, for comments on earlier versions of this work.
1 Representative works sympathetic to Gallegos include Liscano, Juan, Rómulo Gallegos y su tiempo (Caracas: Monte Avila, 1980);Google Scholar and Dunham, Lowell, Rómulo Gallegos, vida y obra (Mexico City: Ediciones de Andrea, 1957).Google Scholar For more critical approaches, see Alonso, Carlos, “Otra sería mi historia: Allegorical Exhaustion in Doña Bárbara,” MLN 104:2 (March 1989), 418–438;Google Scholar Howard, Harrison Sabin, Rómulo Gallegos y la revolución burguesa de Venezuela (Caracas: Monte Avila, 1976);Google Scholar and Claudette Rosegreen-Williams, , “Rómulo Gallegos’s Doña Bárbara: Toward a Radical Reading,” Symposium 46:4 (Winter 1993), 279–296.Google Scholar
2 In this essay, “populism” refers to political movements led primarily by members of the middle class who seek to moblize urban and rural working classes against an entrenched oligarchy allied with foreign capital, and to reform economic and political institutions in favor of the classes that comprise the populist coalition. In its formal ideology, populism is nationalist, developmentalist, and socially inclusive, though in practice populist leaders often compromise or betray these ideals. See Hellinger, Daniel, “Populism and Nationalism in Venezuela: New Perspectives on Acción Democrática,” Latin American Perspectives 11:4 (Fall 1984), 33–34;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Berins Collier, Ruth and Collier, David, Shaping the Political Arena (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), pp. 196–201.Google Scholar
3 For a study of romances as allegories of national consolidation, see Sommer, Doris, Foundational Fictions: The National Romances of Latin America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).Google Scholar
4 One of the few works to integrate race into a discussion of populism is Andrews, George Reid, Blacks and Whites in São Paulo, Brazil, 1888–1988 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 146–156.Google Scholar
5 For an overview, see Wright, Winthrop R., Café con Leche: Race, Class, and National Image in Venezuela (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990).Google Scholar
6 This paragraph draws on research using diplomatic correspondence. Examples include Records of the Department of State Relating to the Internal Affairs of Venezuela, 1910–1929, Microcopy 366, (National Archives Microfilm Publications, Washington, D.C., 1961), C. Freeman to P. McGoodwin, 1 September 1917, 831.00/807 (roll 4); H. Brett to Department of State, 23 September 1915, 831.00/753 (roll 4); and A. Williams to Department of State, 30 November 1922, 831.6232/3 (roll 22).
7 Howard, Rómulo Gallegos y la revolución burguesa.
8 Dunham, , Rómulo Gallegos, pp. 31 Google Scholar, 33.
9 Dunham, Lowell, Rómulo Gallegos: An Oklahoma Encounter and the Writing of the Last Novel (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1974), p. 7.Google Scholar
10 On Venezuelan positivism, see Arturo, Sosa A., Ensayos sobre el penasamiento político positivista venezolano (Caracas: Ediciones Centauro, 1985);Google Scholar Iturrieta, Elías Pino, “Ideas sobre un pueblo inepto: la justificación del gomecismo,” in Juan Vicente Gómez y su época, Pino Iturrieta, ed. (Caracas: Monte Avila, 1985), pp. 157–169;Google Scholar and Vallenilla, Nikita Harwich, “Venezuelan Positivism and Modernity,” Hispanic American Historical Review 70:2 (May 1990), 327–344.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For overviews of Latin American elitist conceptions of race, see Richard, Graham, “Introduction,” in The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870–1940, Graham, , ed. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), pp. 1–5;Google ScholarPubMed and Hale, Charles A., “Political and Social Ideas,” in Latin America: Economy and Society, 1870–1930, Bethell, Leslie, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 225–300.Google Scholar
11 The Brazilian Euclides da Cunha, for example, believed that mestizos were (usually) “degenerate,” “unstable,” and “unbalanced.” da Cunha, Euclides, Rebellion in the Backlands, trans. Putnam, Samuel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944), p. 85.Google Scholar
12 Vallenilla Lanz, Laureano, Cesarismo Democrático (Estudios sobre las bases sociologicas de la constitución efectiva de Venezuela) [1919] 4th ed. (Caracas: Tipografia Garrido, 1961), pp. 133–134.Google Scholar
13 On the ideology of whitening in Latin America, see Skidmore, Thomas E., Black into White: Race and Nationality in Brazilian Thought, 2nd ed. (Durham: Duke University Press, 1993);CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Helg, Aline, “Race in Argentina and Cuba, 1880–1930: Theory, Policies, and Popular Reaction,” in The Idea of Race, pp. 37–69.Google Scholar
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15 My suggestion of a reform movement rooted in anxiety over social status is inspired by Hofstadter, Richard, The Age of Reform (New York: Vintage, 1955).Google Scholar I am grateful to Judy Ewell for suggesting the comparison.
16 Graham, , “Introduction,” p. 1.Google ScholarPubMed
17 These essays are included in Gallegos, Rómulo, Una posición en la vida (Mexico City: Humanismo, 1950).Google Scholar
18 Gallegos, Rómulo, “Necesidad de valores culturales,” [1912] in Una posición, p. 99.Google Scholar
19 Gallegos, , “El factor educación,” [1909] in Una posición, pp. 59, Google Scholar61-64, 68, 73. Lamarck’s belief that a population’s acquired characteristics, which often resulted from the social environment, would be passed on biologically to the next generation was widely accepted in Latin America. Stepan, Nancy Leys, The Hour of Eugenics: Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), pp. 25–28.Google Scholar
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21 Gallegos, , “Necesidad de valores culturales,” p. 95.Google Scholar
22 Ibid., p. 98.
23 The book’s original title was El último Solar.
24 Liscano notes the similarity between the arguments presented in “Necesidad de valores culturales” and Reinaldo Solar. Liscano, , Rómulo Gallegos, p. 59.Google Scholar
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30 Liscano, emphasizes this point in Rómulo Gallegos, pp. 99–100.Google Scholar
31 Stepan, , The Hour of Eugenics, pp. 135–170.Google Scholar
32 Ibid., p. 170.
33 Martínez-Echazábal, Lourdes, “Mestizaje and the Discourse of National/Cultural Identity in Latin America, 1845–1959,” Latin American Perspectives 25:3 (May, 1998), 21–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
34 Sommer, Foundational Fictions. Sommer’s discussion of Gallegos focuses almost exclusively on Doña Bárbara.
35 Gallegos, Rómulo, La trepadora (Buenos Aires: Espasa Calpe, 1965), p. 173.Google Scholar
36 Ibid.,p. 55.
37 Ibid., pp. 206–7.
38 Ibid., p. 95.
39 Belrose, Maurice, La sociedad venezolana en su novela, 1890–1935 (Maracaibo: Universidad de Zulia, 1979), p. 226.Google Scholar
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42 Lewis, Marvin A., Ethnicity and Identity in Contemporary Afro-Venezuelan Literature: A Culturalist Approach (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), pp. 43–44.Google Scholar
43 Gallegos, Rómulo, Pobre negro (Buenos Aires: Espasa Calpe, 1965), p. 89.Google Scholar
44 Ibid., p. 103.
45 Ibid., pp. 44, 133, 143, and 162–3; Wright, , Café con Leche, pp. 38–39.Google Scholar
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51 Karsen, Sonja, “Doña Bárbara: Cincuenta años de crítica,” in Ensayos de literatura e historia iberoaméricana (New York: Peter Lang, 1988), p. 115.Google Scholar
52 Coronil, Fernando and Skurski, Julie, “Dismembering and Remembering the Nation: The Semantics of Political Violence in Venezuela,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 33:2 (April 1991), 300.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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54 For a highly critical reading of the novel’s messages regarding race, gender, and politics, see Rosegreen-Williams, “Rómulo Gallegos’s Doña Bárbara.”
55 The standard history of AD is Martz, John D., Acción Democrática: Evolution of a Modern Political Party in Venezuela (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
56 Wright, , Café con Leche, pp. 87, 99.Google Scholar
57 Coronil and Skurski, “Dismembering and Remembering the Nation.”
58 Cited in Martz, , Acción Democrática, p. 47.Google Scholar
59 The next three paragraphs draw on Wright, , Café con Leche, pp. 97–124.Google Scholar
60 Betancourt, Rómulo, Venezuela: Oil and Politics trans. Bauman, Everett (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1979), p. 46.Google Scholar
61 Ibid., p. 213.
62 Wright, , Café con Leche, p. 122.Google Scholar
63 Ibid., p. 121.
64 Lewis, Ethnicity and Identity.
65 Wright, , Café con Leche, pp. 125–131.Google Scholar For parallels, see Andrews, Blacks and Whites in São Paulo.
66 Knight, Alan makes the same argument regarding Mexican populism in “Racism, Revolution, and Indigenismo: Mexico, 1910–1940,” in The Idea of Race, pp. 71–113.Google Scholar