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Trans-Imperial Networks in the Crisis of the Spanish Monarchy: The Rio de Janeiro-Montevideo Connection, 1778–1805

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 June 2016

Fabrício Prado
Fabrício Prado*
Affiliation:
College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia
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Extract

The late eighteenth century brought deep changes to the Atlantic World. Imperial competition, warfare, revolutions and a general increase in transatlantic commerce changed the balance of power among European empires and their overseas territories. The Spanish empire in particular faced multiple challenges, especially intermittent warfare and economic crises, which many historians regard as having paved the way for the Spanish American independence movements after 1808. Warfare in Europe and in the Atlantic weakened Spain's economy and its control over trade and administration in its American territories. Military conflicts in the 1790s and 1800s disrupted the commercial routes connecting the Peninsula and the colonies, forcing the opening of the colonial economies to foreign agents. Because of the perils faced by Spanish vessels crossing the Atlantic, the Castilian crown allowed colonial merchants to trade directly with foreign neutral nations. Apart from legal commerce, contraband trade also flourished.

Type
Articles
Information
The Americas , Volume 73 , Issue 2 , April 2016 , pp. 211 - 236
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2016 

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References

1. This explanation was originally advanced in the works of Fisher, John, “Commerce and Imperial Decline: Spanish Trade with Spanish America, 1797–1820,” Journal of Latin American Studies 30 (1998), pp. 459–479CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lynch, John, Latin American Revolutions, 1808–1826: Old and New World Origins (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994)Google Scholar; Stein, Stanley and Stein, Barbara, The Edge of Crisis: War and Trade in the Spanish Atlantic, 1789–1808 (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2009), p. 207Google Scholar; Graham, Richard, Independence In Latin America: A Comparative Approach (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2013)Google Scholar; and Elliot, John, Empires of the Atlantic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) 2006Google Scholar. A notable exception is Adelman, Jeremy, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

2. Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic, p. 23.

3. Stein and Stein, The Edge of Crisis, p. 207; John Fisher, “Commerce and Imperial Decline,” pp. 462-463; Lynch, Latin American Revolutions, 1808–1826, p. 207; Graham, Independence In Latin America; and Elliot, Empires of the Atlantic World“”

4. Fisher, John, “The Imperial Response to 'Free Trade': Spanish Imports from Spanish America, 1778–1796,” Journal of Latin American Studies 17:1 (May 1985), pp. 35–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5. John Lynch. Latin American Revolutions, 1808–1826.

6. Stein and Stein, Edge of Crisis, pp. 208–238. For the effects of Atlantic warfare and shipping practices on the Spanish Empire over an extended period, see Lamikiz, Xabier, “Flotistas en la Nueva España: diseminación espacial y negocios de los intermediarios del comercio transatlántico, 1670–1702,” Colonial Latin American Review [hereafter CLAR] 20:1 (2010), pp. 9–33, esp. p. 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7. Stein and Stein, Edge of Crisis, pp. 238–240.

8. Ibid.; Cooney, Jerry, “Oceanic Commerce and Platine Merchants, 1796–1806: The Challenge of War,” The Americas 45:4 (April 1989), pp. 509–524CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9. For the role of contraband and neutral trade in the Spanish Main and Caribbean, see Cromwell, Jesse, Covert Commerce: A Social History of Contraband Trade in Venezuela 1701–1789 (PhD diss.: University of Texas, 2012)Google Scholar; Andrews, Kenneth R., Spanish Caribbean: Trade and Plunder, 1530–1630 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978Google Scholar; Ortega, Antonino Vidal, Cartagena de Indias y la región histórica del Caribe, 1580–1640 (Seville: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 2002), pp. 100–115, 159–161Google Scholar; and Grahn, Lance R., Contraband, Commerce, and Society in New Granada, 1713–1763 (PhD. diss.: Duke University, 1985)Google Scholar. For the Luso-Brazilian economy, see Arruda, José Jobson de Andrade, “Decadence or Crisis in the Luso-Brazilian Empire: A New Model of Colonization in the Eighteenth Century,” Hispanic American Historical Review [hereafter HAHR] 81:3-4 (2000), pp. 839–864Google Scholar; and Pedreira, Jorge Miguel Viana, “From Growth to Collapse: Portugal, Brazil, and the Breakdown of the Old Colonial System, 1750–1830,” HAHR 81: 3-4 (2000), pp. 865–878Google Scholar. For Rio de la Plata, see Moutoukias, Zacarias, Comercio e contrabando en Río de la Plata en el siglo XVII (Buenos Aires: Centro Editorial de América Latina, 1988)Google Scholar; and Fabricio Prado, Edge of Empire.

10. For the role of trans-imperial networks in the slave trade of Río de la Plata, see Borucki, Alex, From Shipmates to Soldiers (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 2015)Google Scholar. For the role of contraband in the South Atlantic, see Pijning, Ernst “A New Interpretation of Contraband Trade,” HAHR 81:3-4 (2001), pp. 733–738Google Scholar; Lane, Kris “Gone Platinum: Contraband and Chemistry in 18th-Century Colombia,” CLAR 20:1 (2011), pp. 61–79Google Scholar; Ebert, Chris, “From Gold to Manioc: Contraband Trade in Brazil during the Golden Age (1700–1750),” CLAR 20:1 (2010), pp. 109–130Google Scholar; and Lamikiz. “Flotistas en la Nueva España,” pp. 9–33.

11. Pearce, Adrian, British Trade with Spanish America, 1763-1808 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2014), pp. 1–13Google Scholar; Rupert, Linda, Creolization and Contraband: Curaçao in the Early Modern Atlantic World (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

12. Cooney, Jerry W. “Neutral Vessels and Platine Slavers: Building a Viceregal Merchant Marine,” Journal of Latin American Studies 18:1 (May 1986), p. 31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Alex Borucki, From Shipmates to Soldiers.

13. Baskes, Jeremy, “Communication Breakdown: Information and Risk in the Spanish Atlantic World Trade during an Era of ‘Free Trade’ and War,” CLAR 21:1 (April 2011), pp. 35–60, esp. pp. 41–42Google Scholar.

14. Ibid.

15. Representação dos Moradores da Praça da Colônia do Sacramento, December 20, 1775, Biblioteca Nacional, Lisboa [hereafter BN], Manuscritos Época Pompalina, Letters of Francisco José da Rocha, Códice 10855.

16. Fernando Jumar, “Le commerce atlantique au Río de la Plata” (PhD diss.: École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 2000); Prado, Fabricio, A Colônia do Sacramento: o extremo sul da América Portuguesa (Porto Alegre: Fumproarte, 2002)Google Scholar. For the general involvement of authorities in contraband, see Moutoukias, Zacarias, Contrabando y control colonial en el siglo XVII (Buenos Aires: Centro Editorial de Latino America, 1988)Google Scholar; and Moutoukias, , “Redes personales y autoridad colonial,” Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales (May-June 1992), pp. 889–915CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17. Garavaglia, Juan Carlos, “Economic Growth and Regional Differentiations: The River Plate Region at the End of the Eighteenth Century,” HAHR 65:1 (February 1985), pp. 51–89Google Scholar.

18. Ibid., p. 53.

19. Ibid., p. 54.

20. Registros de protocolizaciones 1803–1809, Archivo General de la Nación, Montevideo [hereafter AGNM], Protocolos de Marina.

21. Semanario de Agricultura, Industria y Comercio, 1803–1804, facsimile edition (Buenos Aires: Junta de Historia Numismática Americana, 1928-1937).

22. Such phenomena have been recorded for the Caribbean region as well. Pearce has examined in detail the use of pretexts such as rescates (ransom of ships) to permit ships to sail to British colonies to conduct trade. See Pearce, British Trade with Spanish America, chapt. 4.

23. One ship, originally of Portuguese origin and nationalized by Spanish authorities and merchants, is counted as both Portuguese and Spanish. In other words, it was registered twice because it fell into both categories.

24. For the exceptions within the neutral trade regulations, especially in the North Atlantic, see Stein and Stein, Edge of Crisis, pp. 238–240.

25. Data was collected from the following sources. Auto de embarcación [hereafter AE], Nra. Sra. De Belén y San Josef, 1782, AGNM, Escribania de Gobierno y Hacienda [hereafter EGH], caja 2; AE, Nra. Sra. del Buen Viaje, 1792, AGNM EGH, caja 04; AE, Señor de los Pasos, 1792, AGNM EGH, caja 15; AE, El Penque, 1792, AGNM EGH, caja 15; AE, El Dragón, 1793, AGNM EGH, caja 18; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Guia San Antonio y Animas, 1793, AGNM EGH, caja 18; AE, Santo Christo de la Pasión alias El Buen Jardín, 1793, AGNM EGH, caja 18; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Piedad y Nra. Sra. del Buen Suceso, 1794, AGNM EGH, caja 23; AE, Santa Anna, 1792, AGNM EGH, caja 24; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Dolores – naufragada, 1792, AGNM EGH, caja 24; AE, Nra. Sra. del Buen Suceso, 1794, AGNM EGH, caja 24; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Piedad, 1795, AGNM EGH, caja 24; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Concepción San Antonio y Animas, 1794, AGNM EGH, caja 24; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Concepción - naufragada, 1795, AGNM EGH, caja 27; AE, Santa Madre de los Hombres, 1795, AGNM EGH, caja 27; AE, Santa Ana y San José, 1795, AGNM EGH, caja 27; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Concepción, 1795, AGNM EGH, caja 27; AE, Caña Dulce, 1795, AGNM EGH, caja 28; AE, Nra. Sra. Carmen y San Antonio, 1796, AGNM EGH, caja 31; AE, La Flor del Mar, 1796, AGNM EGH, caja 31; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Concepción y Animas, 1796, AGNM EGH, caja 32; AE, San Pío, 1796, AGNM EGH, caja 32; AE, Nra. Sra. Madre de los Hombres alias el Tigre, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, María Eugenia, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Concepción alias San Juan Bautista, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, Santo Christo de la Pasión, Santo Antonio y Animas, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, Jesús Maria José, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Piedad, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, San Felipe Neri alias La Roza, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, San Francisco de Paula, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, La Faustina de Buenos Ayres, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Concepción S. Francisco de Paula, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Dolores alias El Pensamiento, 1797, AGNM EGH, caja 34; AE, San Ignacio alias Alerta, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Ceres, 1799 AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Melchora, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, San Ignacio alias La Alerta, 1799 AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, Santa Ana, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Rosa, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Judit, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, Nra. Sra. Aramaru, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, Fragata Begoña, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, Nra. Sra. del Pilar alias la Roncalesa, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, El Galante, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, San Antonio, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Flor del Mar (Nuevo nombre San Felipe y Santiago), 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; Nacionalización de la Sumaca Portuguesa San José y San Antonio, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, San Antonio alias la Atrevida 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Liebre, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, El Brillante, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Virgen, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, Sta. Cruz y Bella Flor, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Reyna de los Angeles, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, San José Leonida, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, San José y San Antonio, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, San Felipe Nery, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Carlota, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, San Le[. . .] alias el Arquimedes, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, San Francisco Xavier, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, Nra. Sra. Peña de Francia, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, San Feliciano 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 41; AE, Nra. Sra. del Rosário, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 41; AE, Nra. Sra. de la Concepción alias El Buen Jardín, 1801, AGNM EGH, caja 45; AE, Santa Rita, 1801, AGNM EGH, caja 45; AE, La Republicana (Francesa), 1799–1801, AGNM EGH, caja 48; Apresamiento, Balandra de los Catalanes, 1801, AGNM EGH, caja 48; Apresamiento, Bergantín Portugués El Mayo, 1801, AGNM EGH, caja 48; AE, El Aguila Volante, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 54; AE, Santa Ana y San Feliú, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 54; AE, San Antonio, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, La Flor de Una, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, Pegu, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, El Correo de Lisboa, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, La Anduriña, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, Nra. Sra. de Belén y San Juan alias el Yacaré, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, El Tártaro 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, San Ignacio alias la Alerta, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, El Principe Real 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, El Tritón, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, La Constancia, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, Reyna Lucia, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, Inmaculada Concepción, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, Nra. Sra. Peña de Francia alias el Caballito, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, Brillante Aurora, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 56; AE, La Esperanza, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 56; AE, Nra. Sra. de las Virtudes, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 56; Viceroy of Brazil Luís de Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo e Castro, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Projeto Resgate Barão do Rio Branco, Documentos Avulsos da Capitania do Rio de Janeiro [hereafter AHU RJ]: Dec. 13, 1781, doc. 9567; Oct. 8, 1781, doc. 9028; Mar. 19, 1783, doc. 9772; Sept. 10, 1783, doc. 9859; Apr. 29, 1785, doc. 10052; May 9, 1785, doc. 10056; Sept. 7, 1786, doc. 10215; Nov. 10, 1788, doc. 10532; Apr. 27, 1789, doc. 10607; D. José Luís de Castro to Luís Pinto de Sousa Coutinho, Jul. 17, 1795, AHU RJ, doc. 11714; Viceroy of Brazil D. José Luís de Castro to D. Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, AHU RJ, Aug. 28, 1800, docs. 13396, 13397, 13398, and 13399; Sept. 1, 1800, docs. 13405, 13406, 13407, 13408, 13412, 13413, and 13415; Sept. 2, 1800, docs. 13418 and 13419; Sept. 3, 1800, docs. 13421 and 13422; Sept. 10, 1800, docs. 13436, 13437, 13438, 13441, and 13446; Sept. 12, 1800, doc. 13452; Sept. 13, 1800, doc. 13458; Sept. 15, 1800, doc. 13462; Sept. 18, 1800, doc. 13470; Oct. 6, 1801, doc. 9326; Antônio Pereira Cardoso de Araújo to the Prince Regent D. João, Feb. 4, 1802, AHU RJ, doc. 14058; Viceroy of Brazil D. Fernando José de Portugal e Castro to João Rodrigues de Sá e Melo Meneses e Souto Maior, AHU RJ, Apr. 24, 1802, doc. 14121; Mar. 30, 1802, doc. 14099; Jan. 24, 1803, doc. 14500; Jan. 25, 1803, doc. 14506; Jan. 26, 1803, doc. 14511; Jan. 25, 1806, docs. 15946, 15953, 15958, and 15959; Antônio Joaquim de Pina Manique to Martinho de Melo e Castro, May 4, 1784, AHU RJ, doc. 9932; Declaración de Entradas en el Puerto, 1780–1785, Archivo General de Indias, Buenos Aires, legajo 141. Alex Borucki's database, which includes slave vessels, is described in Borucki, , “The Slave Trade to Río de la Plata, 1777–1812: Trans-Imperial Networks and Atlantic Warfare,” CLAR 20:1 (April 2011), pp. 81–107Google Scholar.

26. Borucki, “The Slave Trade to Río de la Plata.”

27. Ernst Pijning, “Controlling Contraband: Mentality, Economy and Society in Eighteenth-Century Rio de Janeiro” (PhD diss.: John Hopkins University, 1997), p. 163.

28. Semanario de Agriculura, Industria y Comercio, Junta de Historia Numismática Americana, Buenos Aires, 1928–1937; Libro de Entrada de Embarcaciones, AGNM Ex-Archivo General Administrativo, Libro 95.

29. Relação dos generos e fazendas próprias do consumo da Colonia do Rio da Prata, Reyno do Perú e Prezidencia do Chili: os preços que permitem na prezente guerra, e os que demonstrão mayor utilidade, April 4, 1799, AHU RJ, doc. 12655.

30. Pijning, “Controlling Contraband,” chapt. 4.

31. Alden, Dauril, “The Undeclared War of 1773–1777: Climax of Luso-Spanish Platine Rivalry,” HAHR 41:1 (February 1961), pp. 55–74Google Scholar.

32. In addition to the Portuguese settlers, there were new waves of immigrants from Spain and the interior provinces of Río de la Plata, and an increase in population from the growing slave trade.

33. For more on Cipriano de Melo and his roles in Montevideo, see Fabricio Prado, Edge of Empire, chapt. 6.

34. “Autos formados con motivo del arresto de Portugués Antonio Juan de Acuña (alias Capitán Barriga),” May 24, 1785, AGI, Buenos Aires, códice 333. In this period, the exchange rate was one peso to 750 reis.

35. Moutoukias, Contrabando y control colonial, pp 74–118; Bentancur, , El puerto colonial de Montevideo, 2 vols. (Montevideo: Universidad de la República, Facultad de Humanides, 1997), vol. 1, pp. 13–68Google Scholar.

36. Bentancur, El puerto colonial de Montevideo, vol. 1, pp. 289–298.

37. Viceroy of Brazil D. Luís de Almeida Portugal to Martinho de Melo e Castro, September 24, 1778, AHU RJ, doc. 9028. Although the ships were Spanish, the sources recorded the names using Portuguese spellings.

38. Viceroy of Brazil Luís de Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo Castro, March 30, 1780, AHU RJ, doc. 9294. In his dissertation, Ernst Pijning also identified the arrival of this ship as being the key moment in the La Plata contraband trade for the period.

39. Ibid.

40. The 1751 ordinance must be understood in the context of the negotiations that led to the Treaty of Madrid. For Spanish authorities, the main goal of the accord in the Río de la Plata was to end contraband trade.

41. Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo Castro, July 12, 1781, AHU RJ, doc. 9561.

42. Ibid.

43. Ibid.: “avultadissima quantidade de coiros, e prata. . .para Corte [Lisboa] e dela para Espanha”.

44. Ibid. The cost of a shipment from Rio to Lisbon was 20 cruzados; shipments from Rio that had originated in Río de la Plata cost an average of 60 cruzados.

45. Cópia de hua portaria que acompanha uns itens da Justificação sobre os procedimentos do Hespanhoes de Buenos Ayres., Colonia do Sacramento, June 8, 1776, Biblioteca Nacional (BN), Lisboa, Manuscritos Pombalinos, códice 10855; autos formados con motivo del arresto del Portugués Antonio Juan de Acuña (alias Capitán Barriga), June 14, 1785, Archivo General de Indias, Buenos Aires, Legajo 333. In 1783, Cipriano de Melo, Francisco Maciel, and Brás Carneiro Leão were involved in transactions whose total value exceeded 13,000 pesos fuertes; these could be converted across currencies.

46. Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo Castro, July 12, 1781. AHU RJ, doc. 9561.

47. Primeiro e Segundo Compêndio que o Marques de Pombal entregou a Raynha Nossa Senhora para Ser Apresentado ao Rey D. José, 1776-1777, Torre do Tombo (IANTT), Arquivo Histórico do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros, Cx 915, Papéis Varios de Hespanha, pasta No. 3.

48. Real comunicación, January 7, 1781, AGN Buenos Aires, sala IX, 25-5-6.

49. Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo Castro, March 19, 1783, AHU RJ, doc. 9772.

50. Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo Castro, April 20, 1782, AHU RJ, doc. 9622.

51. Viceroy of Brazil D. José Luis de Castro to D. Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, June 11, 1799, AHU RJ, doc. 12729.

52. Jeremy Baskes, Communication Breakdown, pp. 37–40.

53. José Luis de Castro to D. Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, January 8, 1800, AHU RJ, doc. 13319. “S. M. Fidelissima” (Sua Majestad Fidelissima) was an honorary term of address for the Portuguese king.

54. Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo Castro, June 12, 1780, AHU RJ, doc 9326; Dec. 13, 1781, AHU RJ, doc. 9567; Apr. 29, 1785, AHU RJ, doc. 10052; May 9, 1785, AHU RJ, doc. 10056; Sept. 7, 1786, AHU RJ, doc. 10215; Apr. 27, 1789, AHU RJ, doc. 10607.

55. Moutoukias, Contrabando e control colonial, chapt. 4.

56. Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo Castro, March 30, 1780, AHU RJ, doc. 9294.

57. Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo Castro, April 29, 1785, AHU RJ, doc. 10052.

58. AE, La Ceres, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Melchora, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, Begoña 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, Nra. Sra. del Pilar alias la Roncalesa, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40.

59. AE, San Antonio, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, La Flor de Una, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 55; AE, Nra. Sra. de las Virtudes, 1802, AGNM EGH, caja 56; AE, San Felipe Nery, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Carlota, 1798, AGNM EGH, caja 40; AE, La Judit, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40.

60. AE, La Judit, 1799, AGNM EGH, caja 40.

61. Vasconcelos e Sousa to Martinho de Melo Castro, Sept. 7, 1786, AHU RJ, doc. 10215; Nov. 10, 1788, AHU RJ, doc. 10532; Apr. 27, 1789, AHU RJ, doc. 10607; Viceroy of Brazil D. José Luis de Castro to Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, Aug. 28, 1800, AHU RJ, docs. 13396, 13397, 13398, and 13399; Sept. 1, 1800, AHU RJ, docs. 13407, 13408, and 13412.

62. “Com prerrogativas que lhe guardam as leis do Estado." AE (1796-97), Oct. 10, 1796, AN RJ, caixa 492, pacote 2.

63. For the 26 vessels for which I have information from the 1800s, 18 captains alleged that storms were the reason they sought entry at Rio de Janeiro.

64. See Alex Borucki, From Shipmates to Soldiers, p. 51; and Borucki, “The Slave Trade to Río de la Plata,” p. 84

65. Representación del Real Consulado Contra el Comércio de frutos de esta Província con la Colonias Estrangeras, April 30, 1798, AGI Buenos Aires, códice 346.

66. For a detailed analysis, see Borucki, “The Slave Trade to Río de la Plata.”

67. From 1791 onward, a series of royal orders allowed Spanish merchants to acquire slaves in Brazil, and allowed foreign ships to introduce slaves. Compilación de Reales Ordenes, Real Academia de Historia de Madrid, Colección Mata Linares, vol. 68, 1723, section 9, fols. 998–1001.

68. José Feliciano da Rocha Gameiro to D. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, April 28, 1798, AHU RJ, doc. 12265.

69. D. José Luís de Castro to Luís Pinto de Sousa Coutinho, July 17, 1795, AHU RJ, doc. 11714.