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Cremna and Sagalassus 1987

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Stephen Mitchell  and
Marc Waelkens
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Extract

The survey of these two sites was resumed on 1 July 1987. The Cremna season, directed by Stephen Mitchell, ran until 25 July; from 27 July to 20 August the team worked at Sagalassus under Marc Waelkens. The other participants were Mustafa Büyükkolancı, Sarah Cormack, Christopher Lightfoot and Edwin Owens (archaeologists), William Hargrove and Claire Robinson (student assistants), Anthea Cudworth, Robin Fursdon, Duncan Mallace, and Mark Willy (surveyors), Greg Horsley (epigraphist), and Kirsty Norman (conservator). Our representative was Sabri Aydal of Antalya Museum, who also provided valuable and expert assistance to the surveyors. We are grateful, as in previous seasons, to many local people for help and support: to Selçuk Başer, Ali Harmankaya and the staff of the Burdur Museum; to the officers of the Emniyet Müdürlüǧü at Burdur and of the Jandarma at Bucak and Aǧlasun; to the villagers at Çamlık, and to Sabit Kaya, Kaymakam of Aǧlasun, who provided us with accommodation. The work was funded by the British Academy, the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, the Craven Committee of Oxford University, the Roman Society, and the National Fund for Scientific Research (Belgium). Above all we are grateful to the Director General of Antiquities and Museums in Turkey, Nurettin Yardımcı, and to his staff, especially to Nimet Berkok and Mustafa Karahan, for granting permission for the survey and for much other assistance.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 38 , December 1988 , pp. 53 - 65
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1988

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References

1 AnSt. XXXVII (1987), 44–5Google Scholar. The pi-shaped two aisled stoa with an external Doric colonnade and larger double-spaced Doric or Ionic columns behind them has a long history stretching from the late fourth century B.C. to the late hellenistic period (Coulton, J. J., The Architectural Development of the Greek Stoa (1976), 63–5, 97–8)Google Scholar. Two-aisled stoas, however, are rare in the imperial period, and the Cremna example should probably be subtracted from the examples cited by Coulton, op. cit., 76 n. 1. For another possible pishaped stoa at Sagalassus, see below p. 64.

2 von Lanckoronski, K. et al. , Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens II (1892), 161–72Google Scholar; Ballance, M. H., PBSR 26 (1958), 167–75Google Scholar.

3 CIL III 6874Google Scholar; see also Paribeni, M. and Romanelli, P., Monumenti Antichi 23 (1914), 249–51Google Scholar. There are many uncertainties in the restoration of the inscription, which needs further study.

4 For Smyrna, see Kantar, S. and Naumann, R., Kleinasien und Byzanz, 1st. Forsch. XVII (1950), 69–114Google Scholar, and (Boethius, A. and) Ward-Perkins, J. B., Etruscan and Roman Architecture (1970), 395–6Google Scholar. For Aspendos, see Lanckoronski, , Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens I, 85–124Google Scholar. For the dissemination of the Forum-Basilica type, see Ward-Perkins, , JRS 60 (1970), 7–11Google Scholar.

5 See Coulton, J. J., AnSt. XXXII (1982), 45–59, esp. 55–7Google Scholar on the persistence of Doric into the late first century A.D. in Lycia and adjacent parts of south-west Asia Minor. It is relevant that the latest building which he cites, the monumental gateway at Patara, has now been redated to A.D. 129 by Bowersock, G. W. (see Prosopographia Imperii Romani V.2 (1983), 277–8Google Scholar: M no. 568, on the career of Mettius Modestus). This is another clear example of the use of Doric in a major public building as late as the reign of Hadrian.

6 Illustrated by Ballance, , PBSR 26 (1958), 172 Fig. B c)Google Scholar, although the curve of the frieze in reality is less pronounced than in this drawing.

7 To be published by Nollé, J. in a corpus of dice-oracle inscriptions. See, provisionally, Antike Welt 18.3 (1987), 41–9 at 43 Abb. 3 and 44 Abb. 5Google Scholar

8 For earthquakes in Asia Minor see RE suppl. IV (1924), 353 ffGoogle Scholar. (Capelle); Broughton, T. R. S., Roman Asia Minor, in Frank, T. (ed.), An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome IV (1938), 601–2Google Scholar; Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor II (1950), 987Google Scholar; Robert, L., BCH 102 (1978), 395–408CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 We had formerly followed Lanckoronski in interpreting the building as a nymphaeum. The suspicions of the Istanbul excavation team that it was a propylon were confirmed by detailed study of the blocks carried out by Mustafa Büyükkolancı and Marc Waelkens.

10 The illustration of the library of Celsus in Boethius and Ward-Perkins, Etruscan and Roman Architecture, fig. 209 has now been outdated by the studies of the Austrian architects responsible for the anastylosis of this famous and splendid monument. See Strocka, V. M., “Zur Datierung der Celsusbibliothek” [A.D. 113–117], Proc. Tenth Congress of Classical Archaeology, Ankara-Izmir 1973 (Ankara, 1978), 893–900Google Scholar, and F. Huber, “Bericht über die Wiederaufrichtungsarbeiten an der Celsusbibliothek”, ibid., 979–85. For the Market gate at Miletus, see Strocka, , Das Markttor von Milet (Winkelmannsprogramm der Archäologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin, 128) (1981), 3–61Google Scholar.

11 Compare the remarks of Coulton, , AnSt. XXXVI (1986), 61–90Google Scholar on the development of Oenoanda at this period. It need hardly be said that this was the great age of civic construction in the Pamphylian cities of Attaleia, Perge, Side and above all Aspendos.

12 İnan, J., TAD 19 (1970), 51–97Google Scholar; the plan is reproduced in AnSt. XXXVII (1987), 50 Fig. 1Google Scholar.

13 For this building see the recent reports by J. İnan in V, VI, VII, and VIII Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı (publ. 1984-1987). The Hadrianic date has been suggested by A. Farrington in his Oxford D.Phil, thesis on Lycian bath buildings.

14 Horsley, G. H. R., AnSt. XXXVII (1987), 49–80Google Scholar.

15 Noted by İnan, J., in the Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, 469Google Scholar.

16 For the key role of Pamphylia, see Nollé, J., Chiron 17 (1987), 254–64Google Scholar. The invasions of Asia Minor are well illustrated on the map compiled by Kettinghofen, E., Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients (TAVO) Bd. V, 11Google Scholar: Römer und Sassaniden in der Zeit der Weltkrise (224–84) (publ. 1982).

17 The historicity of the siege of Cremna has been called into question, and F. Paschoud in the notes to his edition of Zosimus I (Budé 1971) regards the account as much exaggerated and embellished. It is now clear from the archaeological remains that Zosimus was right to regard this as a major incident not a minor outbreak of local brigandage.

18 Terentius Marcianus was honoured by several Pisidian cities with inscriptions, including Trebenna, (Année Épigraphique, 1915, 53)Google Scholar, Termessus, (IGR III 434Google Scholar; TAM III. 189)Google Scholar, and Sagalassus, (IGR III 358Google Scholar wrongly adopting the reading Terentius Africanus reported in BCH III (1887), 222Google Scholar instead of the correction to Terentius Marcianus made by W. M. Ramsay, ibid., 268). Bersanetti, G. M., Aevum 19 (1945), 384–90Google Scholar (non vidi) acutely made the suggestion that he had been the governor responsible for suppressing the uprising at Cremna.

19 There are valuable parallels (siege mound, circumvallation) between the remains observed at Cremna and those known at the most famous of all Roman sieges, at Masada in Israel (Hawkes, C. J., Antiquity III no. 10 (June 1929), 195–213CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Richmond, I. A., JRS 52 (1962), 142–55)Google Scholar. But there are even closer parallels to be found in the description of an earlier siege in the Jewish War, at Iotapata, provided by Josephus who himself commanded the besieged forces (Jewish War III 135 ff.Google Scholar).

20 Lanckoronski, , Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens II, city map at endGoogle Scholar.

21 Martin, R., L'urbanisme dans la Grèce antique (second edition 1983), 136–47, 156–9Google Scholar.

22 Briefly mentioned by Fleischer, R., Ist. Mitt. 29 (1979), 307 with n. 166Google Scholar, who rightly remarked on the absence of tiles.

23 Lanckoronski II, 141 Fig. 111.

24 The decoration is closely related to the architectural ornament of the temple of Antoninus Pius at Sagalassus; cf. Lanckoronski II, 146 Fig. 118, 149 Fig. 122.

25 AnSt. XXXVII (1987), 40–2Google Scholar.

26 This date is inferred from the style of the Corinthian half capitals which come from the “loggia” in the upper part of the east wall (AnSt. XXXVII ff. Pl. III a). One of these capitals was ascribed by Fleischer, , Ist. Mitt. 29 (1979), 285 Pl. 77Google Scholar, 1–2 and Antike Welt 12 (1981), 15 Fig. 20Google Scholar, as possibly belonging to the nearby heroon. They closely resemble another Corinthian capital, which was certainly carved by the same “Bauhütte”, now in the antiquities depot at Aǧlasun Fire Station (illustrated as Fig. 4 in the report on the 1986 season which is to appear (Spring 1988) in the proceedings of the Ninth Annual Symposium of Excavations, Surveys and Archaeometry, Ankara 1987; and also in Leon, Ch., Die Bauornamentik des Trajansforums und ihre Stellung in der früh- und mittelkaiserlichen Architekturdekoration Roms (1971), Pl. 56, 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar where it is wrongly said to be in Antalya Museum). The proportions of this last capital can best be compared with a late second century B.C. capital from Ephesus (Alzinger, W., Augusteische Architektur in Ephesos (1974), 84 no. 1, Fig. 107Google Scholar) and with the contemporary capitals of the Hecateion at Lagina in Caria (Boysal, Y., “Die korinthischen Kapitelle der hellenistischen Zeit Anatoliens”, Anatolia 2 (1957), 129–30Google Scholar Pl. XVI c–d). But the expressive treatment of the acanthus leaves appears isolated in Asia Minor and continues the tradition of the Middle Hellenistic capitals of the Olympieion at Athens (Heilmeyer, W., Korinthische Normalkapitelle (1970), Pl. 16, 1–3Google Scholar; 17, 1–2). We seem to be dealing with a local tradition of carving which continues in the capitals of the temple of Augustus at Pisidian Antioch (Heilmeyer Pl. 8, 3–4; Waelkens, , Epigraphica Anatolica 7 (1986), Fig. 4)Google Scholar. The Sagalassus capital should be dated to the second half, and probably the last quarter of the second century B.C. The half capitals from the bouleuterion should be slightly later. They are less elongated and the acanthus leaves show a clearer division into individual “Blattlappen”, anticipating these features on capitals of the mid-first century B.C. (cf. Boysal, op. cit. 130–1 Pl. 17). The treatment of the leaves may also be compared with that on a mid-first century B.C. half capital from Side (Heilmeyer, 46, 72, 82–3 Pl. 8. 1). So the half capitals from the Sagalassus bouleuterion should belong to the late second or early first century B.C.

27 Lanckoronski II, 136 Fig. 105; Fig. 7–8 in the Ninth Symposium report (see previous note).

28 See Lauter, H., Die Architektur des Hellenismus (Darmstadt 1986), 155–6Google Scholar, Fig. 51.

29 Their acanthus leaves are later than those on the loggia of the bouleuterion, but are still pre-Augustan.

30 The design of the double volutes springing from an acanthus bush has developed out of anthemia like the one on the entablature of the second century B.C. temple of Apollo at Alabanda (Bey, Edhem, CRAI 1905, 413 Fig. 6)Google Scholar. But the large volutes find a better parallel on the frieze of the pre- or early Augustan “Octogon” at Ephesus (Alzinger, , Augusteische Architektur in Ephesos, 118–19 Figs. 146, 170Google Scholar. Here the palmette design seems later than on the fragment at Sagalassus.

31 See already Lanckoronski II, 136–7.

32 The capitals look earlier than those of the late Augustan or early Tiberian temple of Augustus at Pisidian Antioch.

33 Lanckoronski II, 135 no. 21.

34 To be published by G. H. R. Horsley.

35 Lanckoronski II, 229 no. 211.

36 The depiction of a Macedonian shield on these early imperial arches can only refer to the presence of Macedonian colonists in the area. This is also implied by the frequency of the motif on Hellenistic ostothecae from Pisidia (cf. Waelkens, , Die Kleinasiatische Türsteine (1986), 28)Google Scholar and on hellenistic coins from Selge, (British Museum Collection Catalogue of the Greek Coins from Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia (1897), 263 no. 59Google Scholar; SNG Sammlung von Aulock. Pisidien 4894–5381 (1964), Pl. 175 no. 5297). For the significance of these shields see Robert, L., Noms indigénes dans l'Asie Mineure gréco-romaine (1963), 116, 218Google Scholar.

37 Heart-shaped columns appear already by about 300 B.C. in the Doric architecture of Asia Minor, where unfluted Doric capitals were also widespread during the Hellenistic period. See Coulton, , Architectural Development of the Greek Stoa, 135–7Google Scholar; Börker, Ch., “Die Datierung des Zeus-Tempels von Olba-Diokaisareia in Kilikien”, Arch. Anz. 1971, 41–2Google Scholar.

38 Either a closed peristylar court like the market building at Miletus or the lower agora at Pergamum (Martin, , L'urbanisme dans la Grèce antique, 138 Fig. 18Google Scholar; 270 Fig. 57), or a pi-shaped stoa (for which see n. 1 above).

39 Fleischer, , Ist. Mitt. 29 (1979), 281–306Google Scholar; Antike Welt 12 (1981), 3–16Google Scholar; Waelkens, in AnSt. XXXVII (1987), 40–2Google Scholar.

40 The peculiar leaves between the eggs of the ovolo thus far only have a parallel on the window frame of the east pediment of the temple of Augustus at Antioch (Robinson, D. M., The Art Bulletin 9 (1926), Fig. 24)Google Scholar. This may be another peculiarity of a “Pisidian” building tradition.

41 Lanckoronski II, 135 no. 210.